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andrew c. Mclaughlin 

OCTOBER 1904 TO JULY 1905 



Copyright, 1905 

Press of 

The new Era printing Company 

Lancaster, P* 


Number i. October, 1904. 

Charles H. Haskins The University of Paris in the Sermons of the 

Thirteenth Century ..... I 

Goldwin Smith English Poetry and English History ... 28 

Edward G. Bourne The Naming of America . . . . 41 

Emily P. Weaver Nova Scotia and New England during the Revo- 

lution ....... 52 

George P. Garrison The First Stage of the Movement for the Annexa- 

tion of Texas ...... 72 

DOCUMENTS — Alexander Hamilton's Notes in the Federal Convention of 1787 ; 

Pierce Papers, 1852-1862, I . . -97 




Number 2. January, 1905. 

Frederick J. Turner The Policy of France Toward the Mississippi 

Valley in the Period of Washington and 
Adams ..... . 249 

Henry E. Bourne Improvising a Government in Paris in July, 1789 280 

Jesse S. Reeves The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo . . . 309 

Charles M. Andrews Materials in British Archives for American 

Colonial History ..... 325 

DOCUMENTS— Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1862, II . . .350 


COMMUNICATIONS— The Philippine "Situado" from the Treasury of New 

Spain ............. 459 




Number 3. April, 1905. 


Goldwin Smith 
George Burton Adams 

The Meeting of the American Historical Asso 

ciation at Chicago .... 
The Treatment of History 
Methods of Work in Historical Seminaries 
William Garrott Brown The Early Life of Oliver Ellsworth 
Henry Barrett Learned Origin of the Title Superintendent of Finance 
DOCUMENTS — Documents on the Blount Conspiracy, 1795-1797 







Number 4. July, 1905. 

Alfred H. Lloyd History and Materialism .... 727 

William Garrott Brown A Continental Congressman : Oliver Ellsworth, 

1777-1784 . . .' . .751 

Max Farrand The Indian Boundary Line .... 782 

William Oscar Scroggs William Walker and the Steamship Corporation 

in Nicaragua ...... 792 

DOCUMENTS— Virginia Letters on the Scots Darien Colony, 1699 ; A Letter of 
Marshall to Jefferson, 1783; Charles Pinckney's Reply to Jay, August 16, 
1786, Regarding a Treaty with Spain ; English Peace Proposals before the 
Preliminaries of Leoben, April, 1797 ; An Interview of Governor Folch with 

General Wilkinson, 1807 812 


COMMUNICATION— The Philippine " Situado " from the Treasury of New 

Spain ............. 929 


INDEX .... 957 

Volume X~\ October, 1904. [A 1 umber 1 


%mmtw& ilistarical Utvitw 


IN the intellectual life of the middle ages the University of Paris 
occupies a place of preeminent importance. " The Italians 
have the Papacy, the Germans have the Empire, and the French 
have Learning ", ran the old saying ; and the chosen abode of Learn- 
ing was Paris. The University of Paris was generally recognized 
as the " parent of the sciences " and the first school of the church 1 , 
and its supremacy was manifest not only in its position as the center 
of scholasticism and the bulwark of orthodoxy, but also in the large 
number and wide distribution of its students, in its influence upon 
the establishment and the constitutions of other universities, and in its 
large share in the political and ecclesiastical movements of the later 
middle ages 2 . So prominent were the constitutional and theological 
aspects of the university and so violent the controversies which raged 
about it, that, amid the confusion of chancellors and faculties and 
nations and the conflicts over the new Aristotle and the " Eternal 
Gospel ", there is some danger of losing sight of the more human 

1 Glorifications of Paris as the great center of learning are common in medieval lit 
erature. See for examples the bull Parens Scientiaram of Gregory IX. (Chartularium 
Universitatis Parisiensis, I. 136) and the anonymous sermon printed by Haureau (Notices 
et Extraitsde Que/ques Manuscrits Latins de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 1890-1893, 
II. 105), where Paris is called the mill where the world's corn is ground and the oven 
where its bread is baked. 

2 Cf. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, I. 518 fif. ; Valois, La 
France el le Grand Schisme ; Gross, " The Political Influence of the University of Paris 
in the Middle Ages", American Historical Review, VI. 440-445. The interesting 
subject of foreign students at Paris is treated by Budinsky, Die Universildt Paris und 
die Fremden an derselhtn im Mittelaller (Berlin, 1876), but there is room for a more 
thorough study on the basis of the materials since published in the Chartularium. The 
proportion of foreigners among the distinguished doctors of the university was remarkably 
high. Cf. Haureau, Quelques MSS., IV. 47-48. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — I. ( I j 

2 C. H. Haskins 

element and forgetting that an adequate idea of a university can be 
got only when its teaching and organization are seen against the 
background of the daily life of its student body. Unfortunately, the 
sources of information concerning the student life of medieval Paris 
are by no means abundant. There is of course much to be gleaned 
from the great Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, so admirably 
edited by Denifle and Chatelain, and from the proctor's book of the 
English nation printed as an appendix to it — our knowledge of the 
various taverns of medieval Paris, for example, being largely de- 
rived from this nation's minutes of the drinking up of its surplus 
revenue 1 — ; but most of the documents in this invaluable repository 
relate to the organization and external history of the university 
rather than to its inner life. The records of the courts of law, so 
rich a mine of information for student manners at other universi- 
ties, fail us entirely at Paris 2 , and the collections of student letters, 
which reflect the decent commonplaces of existence among medieval 
scholars, are not of much assistance here. 3 For the early years of 
the university the Goliardic poetry and other products of the Renais- 
sance of the twelfth century are, it is true, of considerable value, 
but this movement was soon crushed by the triumph of scholas- 
ticism, and in the thirteenth century, when Paris was the undisputed 
intellectual center of Christendom, very little poetry of any sort was 
produced 4 . But while not an age of poetry, the thirteenth century 
was an age of preaching, and in the scarcity of other sources the 

1 Sixty such resorts of this nation, which comprised the students from northern and 
eastern Europe, are mentioned in its records. See Chatelain, "Notes sur Quelques 
Tavernes Frequentees par 1'TJniversite de Paris aux XIV e et XV C ' Siecles", in Bulletin de 
la Societe de I' Histoire de Paris et de I lie de France, XXV. 87-109. 

* For illustrations from Bologna see the documents published in the appendix to 
Cavazza, Le Scuole dell' Antico Studio Bolognese (Milan, 1896), and for Oxford the 
coroners' inquests published by Rogers, Oxford City Documents, 145 ff. ; Gross, Coroners' 
Polls, 87-91 ; Willard, T/ie Royal Authority and the Early English Universities (Phila- 
delphia, 1902), 82-85. 

3 Haskins, "The Life of Medieval Students as Illustrated by their Letters", Amer- 
ican Historical Review, III. 203-229. 

*The poems of most interest in relation to the University of Paris in the thirteenth 
century are those of Rutebeuf (ed. Kressner, Wolfenbiittel, 1885). Jean de Garlande 
can hardly be called a poet, but the large amount of prose and verse which he turned 
out contains not a little of interest to the student of university conditions, as I hope to 
show at some future time. His Morale Scholarium, however (Bruges, MS. 546, ff. 
2-12 ; Caius College, MS. 385, pp. 302-316), which promises something of the interest 
of the German student-manuals of the fifteenth century, proves on examination distinctly 

For the general history of the University of Paris in the thirteenth century see, be- 
sides the Chartularium and the general works of Denifle, Kaufmann, and Rashdall, the 
recent publications of Luchaire, L' Universile de Paris sous Philippe- Auguste (Paris, 
1899); Delegue, L' Universite de Paris 1224-1244 (Paris, 1902); and Mandonnet, Siger 
de Brabant (Freiburg, 1899). 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 3 

enormous mass of sermons which has come down to us from that 
period is well worthy of examination for the light it throws upon 
the University of Paris and its life. 

The material is at first sight not promising. By their very na- 
ture sermons are not historical but hortatory ; their purpose is to 
edify, not to record ; and the preaching of the thirteenth century, 
with its elaborate subdivisions, its piling of text upon text, its senses 
literal and allegorical, tropological and anagogical, would seem 
peculiarly barren of information upon the life of its age 1 . In the 
midst, however, of the scholastic sermonizing of this period, and 
soon reacting upon it, there came a genuine revival of popular 
preaching, due largely to the influence of the mendicant orders. In 
order to hold the attention of the people the preachers found it nec- 
essary to be entertaining, as well as simple and direct, and to make 
abundant use of marvels, anecdotes, and pointed illustrations from 
every-day life. If his audience showed signs of nodding, the 
speaker would begin, " There was once a king named Arthur ", or 
shout suddenly, " That fellow who is asleep will not give away my 
secrets" 2 . Such sallies might easily pass the bounds of reverence 
and even of decency 3 , and Dante had good ground for complaining 
of those " who go forth with jests and buffooneries to preach " and 
swell with pride if they can but raise a laugh 4 . 

Questions of propriety apart, however, it is this very freedom 
and unconventionality on the part of many of the preachers which 
gives them their historical interest. The stories, or cxempla, with 
which the sermons are embellished come from all kinds of sources 
— fables and folk-lore, bestiaries, lives of saints, historical manuals, 
and personal experiences — and comprise the greatest variety of 
legends and miracles and contemporary anecdotes, so that they af- 
ford a most valuable insight into the popular religion and super- 
stitions of their day, besides preserving a considerable amount of 
curious information concerning the manners and customs of all 

1 See the general works of Bourgain, La Chaire Francaise au XL/' Sihlc (Paris, 
1879), and Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire Francaise an Moyen A^e, specialevient au 
XL/I' Siecle (second edition, Paris, 1886). There is an excellent resume of the subject 
by Langlois, "L'Elo^uence Sacree au Moyen Age", in the Revue des Deux Mondes, 
January I, 1893, 1 70-201. 

2 Qesar of Heisterbach, ed. Strange, I. 205 ; T. F. Crane, The Exempla of Jacques 
de Vitry (London, 1890), xlii, note. 

'For illustrations see the extracts printed by Haureau, Que/gues AfSS., IV. 17 ff. ; 
and the citations in the Histoire Litleraire de la France, XXVI. 417 ff. 

4 Paradiso, xxix, 115-117. Gautier de Chateau-Thierry says of the sending of the 
disciples by John the Baptist to Christ, " Audiebat verba oris eius, non opera regum vel 
renardi vel fabulas''. MS. Lat. 1 5959, f- 59, col. 4. 

4 C. H. Haskins 

classes of society 1 . Still, the great body of medieval sermons is not 
interesting reading, especially in the condensed and desiccated form 
in which most of them have come down to us. The exempla and 
the allusions to contemporary life constitute but a small portion of 
the whole, and it is a long and arduous task to separate these from 
the mass of scholastic theology and pulpit commonplaces in which 
they lie embedded. In the case of the exempla much of this labor 
of sifting was performed by the medieval purveyors of sermon- 
helps, who not only provided the lazy or ignorant preacher with 
complete series of sermons for the ecclesiastical year under such 
suggestive titles as Sermoncs Parati or Donni Secure, but also fur- 
nished material for enlivening these dry outlines in the form of col- 
lections of exempla conveniently arranged by subjects — manuals of 
clerical wit and anecdote which enjoyed great popularity in the later 
middle ages and have survived in numerous manuscripts and early 
imprints. The importance of these compilations for the history of 
medieval culture is now recognized 2 , and a good deal of the more 

1 See the sketches in Bourgain and Lecoy de la Marche entitled " La Societe d'apres 
les Sermons ". 

2 Upon exempla and their use see Crane, "Mediaeval Sermon-Books and Stories", in 
the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society ( 1883), XXI. 49-78 ; the intro- 
duction and notes to his edition of The Exempla of Jacques de Vitry ; De Vooys, Mid- 
delnederlandsche Legenden en Exempelen (The Hague, 1900) ; and various recent papers 
of Schonbacb in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Academy. Translations of typical 
stories of this sort have been made into English by Munro, Monastic Tales of the XIII. 
Century, in the "Translations and Reprints" published by the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, II., No. 4; and into French by Lecoy de la Marche, L' Esprit de Nos Aieux 
(Paris, 1888). The most important collections from northern France and the adjacent 
portions of the empire in the thirteenth century are as follows, Jacques de Vitry and 
Etienne de Bourbon being, as former students at Paris, the most valuable for university life : 

Jacques de Vitry, Exempla, edited by Crane for the Folk-Lore Society (1890); also 
in Pitra, Analecta Novissima Spicilegii Solesmensis (Rome, 1888), II. 443-461. Extracts 
from his Sermones Vulgares are also published by Pitra, II. 344-442 ; the library of 
Harvard University possesses a manuscript of these sermons which was once the property 
of the monastery of St. Jacques at Liege (MS. Riant 35). 

Caesar of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. Strange, Cologne, 1851 ; frag- 
ments of the Libri VIII Miraculorum, ed. Meister, Rome, 1 901 ; stories from the 
I/omelits, ed. Schonbach, Vienna Sitzungsberichte, phil.-hist. Kl., CXLIV., No. 9 (cf. 
also his review of Meister, Mittheilungen des Instituts fitr Oesterreichische Geschichts- 
forschung, XXIII. 660 ff.). 

Thomas de Cantimpre, Bonwn Universale de Apibus. Various editions ; see Van 
Der Vet, /let Bienboec van Thomas van Cantimpre en zijn Exempelen (The Hague, 1902). 

Etienne de Bourbon, Anecdotes Historiques, ed. Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, 1877). 

Anonymous Compilatio Singularis Exemplorum, MS. 468 of the Bibliotheque de 
Tours. A valuable collection which deserves further study. Cf. Delisle in the Biblio- 
theque de P Ecole des Charles, XXIX. 598 ff. There are some extracts in the Biblio- 
theque Nationale, MS. Baluze 77, ff. 169 ff. 

Anonymous Tractatus Exemplorum secundum Ordinem Alphabet;', described by 
Delisle in Histoire Litteraire de la France, XXXI. 57-62. I have used the copy at 
Auxerre (MS. 35). 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 5 

scattered material has been rendered available by the patient schol- 
arship of the late Barthelemy Haureau, whose studies must form 
the starting-point of any other investigations in this field 1 . 

In endeavoring to bring together such information as the ser- 
mons contain upon the life of the University of Paris in the thir- 
teenth century we must give up from the first any idea of an ex- 
haustive investigation. Of all countries France was the most pro- 
ductive in sermons, and probably most of the distinguished French 
preachers of this period were at some time in their careers con- 
nected with the University of Paris ; and while few of their sermons 
have been, or ever will be, published, the number preserved in manu- 
script reaches far into the thousands. Some practical limit must 
evidently be set by confining the study to the printed texts and to 
such portions of the manuscript sources as seem likely to yield fruit- 
ful results. Accordingly, besides the collections of exempla and 
the extensive materials published or indicated by Haureau 2 , atten- 
tion has been directed especially to those preachers who had per- 
sonal knowledge of academic conditions at Paris and were in the 
habit of alluding to them in their sermons, particularly to that alto- 
gether delightful cleric, Robert de Sorbon 3 , the companion of St. 
Louis and founder of the Sorbonne, and to the chancellors of the 

Reference should also be made to the Latin Stories edited by Wright for the Percy 
Society (1842), and to the fables of Odo of Cheriton in the edition of Hervieux, Fabu- 
lisles Latins, IV. (1896). There is a collection of exempla in Munich (Cod. Lat. 
23420) which would repay study. 

1 See particularly his Notices et Extraits de Qnelques Manuscrits Latins de la Biblio- 
theque Nationalc (cited below simply as Haureau); and numerous articles in the Hisloire 
Litleraire and the Journal des Savants. The catalogue of Lncipits of sermons and other 
Latin works of the middle ages upon which Haureau based many of his conclusions as 
to authorship is now in the hands of the Academie des Inscriptions. 

2 Haureau' s studies were chiefly confined to manuscripts in Paris. Besides the 
various manuscripts in other libraries noted below under individual preachers, I have 
found of special interest the following miscellaneous collections of Paris sermons : Bod- 
leian, Ashmolean MS. 757 ; Merton College, MS. 237 ; Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372 ; Li- 
brary of St. Mark's at Venice, Fondo Antico, MS. 92. 

3 See Haureau, " Les Propos de Maitre Robert de Sorbon", in the Mkmoires de 
V Academie des Lnscriptions, XXXI. 2. 133-149; and the bibliography and list of 
Robert's works in the introduction to Chambon's edition of the De Conscientia (Paris, 
1903). The library of the Sorbonne formerly possessed " Sermones magistri Roberti de 
Sorbona de tempore, de festis, et ad status" (Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, III. 113), 
but the manuscript seems to have disappeared. The most considerable collection of his 
sermons which survives is found in the Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Lat. 15971, ff. 68- 
198, a collection for Sundays and holy days throughout the year, delivered, as appears 
from the concordance of the fixed and movable feasts, in 1260 and 1261. A large num- 
ber of these sermons are in his name and many of the others are in his style. Scattered 
sermons are in MSS. Lat. 14952, f. 53 (printed by Haureau, Quelques MSS., IV. 69) ; 
1 59S I , <"• 374; I595 2 . ff - 14, "9. ri 9 v ; 15954, ff 172, 272; 15955, f. 179; 16482, 
ff 309-3 12 , 3 l8 ; 16488, ff. 437V, 457V ; 16499, <"• 272; 16505, ff. 155V, 157, 217, 
220v ; 16507, ff. 30, 267, 268, 421 ; and in Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, p. 124. 

6 C. H. Haskins 

university. Originally simply the official of the church of Notre- 
Dame who was charged with keeping the chapter's seal and draw- 
ing up its documents 1 , the chancellor was early given supervision 

1 On the early functions of the chancellor, see Guerard, Cartulaire de Notre-Dame 
de Paris, I. civ-cv ; Mortet, "Maurice de Sully", in the Mimoires de la Societe dt 
V Histoire de Paris, XVI. 150 ff. On the later development of the office, see the Chartu- 
larium, I. xi-xix ; Rashdall, Universities, I. 305-313, 333-334, 339~342, 393-396, 
448-45 2 . 45 6 -45 8 » 472-474- 

The chancellors of the thirteenth century are enumerated, with their approximate 
dates, in the Chartularium, I. xix, note, II. xv. The following list of their sermons 
includes all that I have been able to find after a somewhat protracted search. Unless 
otherwise indicated, the manuscripts are those of the Bibliotheque Nationale : 

Pierre de Poitiers, chancellor as early as 1 193 and as late as 1204. See Bourgain, 
Chaire Francaise, 54; and Haureau, II. 240, III. 67 ff. The only important collection 
of his sermons to which attention has been called is in MS. Lat. 14593, where several 
numbers of the series are repeated. Some of these are also in MSS. Lat. 3563, f. 114 ; 
3705, f. 129 ; 12293, ff- 99- io 7 '. r 3586, p. 330; Bibliotheque Mazarine, MS. 1005. 

Prevostin (Prepositinus) of Cremona, chancellor from 1206 to 1209 or thereabouts. 
On his life and works see Haureau in the Melanges Julien Havet, 297-303, where a list 
of the Paris manuscripts of his sermons is given. " Sermones Prepositini " are also pre- 
served at Munich, Cod. Lat. 14126, ff. 1-5 ; in the British Museum, Add. MS. 18335, 
ff. 2V-25V ; and in the Stadtbibliothek at Treves, MS. 222, ff. 21 ff. ; but they contain ex- 
ceedingly little on the life of the time. It may be noted in passing that the above-men- 
tioned manuscript of the British Museum also contains (f. 26) the liturgical treatise seen 
by Pez at Salzburg, the authorship of which appeared doubtful to Haureau (" Incipit 
tractatus de divino officio magistri Prepositini per circulum anni. Ecce nunc tempus ac. 
ceptabile . . ." ). 

Etienne de Reims, chancellor from 1214 or 1215 to 1218. Only one of his ser- 
mons is known, MS.- Lat. 16505, f. 190. 

Philippe de Greve, 1218-1236, the most distinguished chancellor of this period 
often called simply " The Chancellor". His poems and theological writings do not con- 
cern us here ; on the man and his sermons see Oudin, Commentarius de Scriptoribus 
Ecclesia, III. 121 ; Peiper, in the Archiv fur Litteraturgeschichte, VII. 409 ff.: the 
index to the first volume of the Chartularium ; and especially Haureau in the Journal 
des Savants, July, 1894. His sermons fall into four groups : 

1. Sermones festivales, for Sundays and holy days throughout the year. MSS. Lat. 
2516A, 3280, 3543, 3544, 3545, 12416, 15933, 16469 (last portion of series only) ; Bib- 
liotheque Mazarine, MS. 1009 ; MSS. Troyes 1417 ; Rouen 615 ; Alencon 153 ; Bourges 
117 ; British Museum, Royal MS. 8. F. 13 ; Siena, MS. F. x. 5. According to Omont 
{Cabinet Hislorique, 1882, p. 568), this series is also found in the seminary library at 
Autun, MS. 139 B. Scattered sermons of this series are in MSS. Lat. 1595 1, 15954, 
15955, 15959, 16466, 16471, 16488, 16505, 16507; MSS. Amiens 284; Bourges 115, 
ff. 74-84; Arras 329, f. 54. 

2. Fxposiliones Evangeliorum Dominicorum, also called simply Omelie, really a 
theological commentary on the Gospels throughout the year (cf. Haureau, VI. 56). 
MSS. Lat. 3281, 18175; Vatican, Fondo Vaticano, MSS. 1246, 1247; Lincoln Cathe- 
dral, MS. A. 2. 5 ; Cambridge, Peterhouse, MS. 1. 3. 9 ; Munich, Cod. Lat. 3740 ; 
Erfurt, MS. Q. 97 ; Troyes 1 100, ff. 206-227V. 

3. In Psalterium Davidicum CCCXXX Sermones. Numerous manuscripts; pub- 
lished at Paris in 1522 and at Brescia in 1600. 

4. A number of occasional sermons delivered at Paris and various places in northern 
France and possessing considerable historical interest. Two are in MS. Lat. n. a. 338 
(ff. 152, 236), where they were seen and their importance noted by Haureau {Journal 
des Savants, August, 1889 ; Quelques MSS., VI. 239). The others, unknown to Hau- 
reau, are found in MSS. Avranches 132 ; Troyes 1099 ; and Vitry-le-Francois 69. The 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 7 

over the schools which sprang up about the cathedral, and as these 
grew in numbers and importance and developed into a university 
he still asserted his right to license masters and his jurisdiction over 
scholars. Stubborn conflicts arose over these claims in the earlier 
vears of the thirteenth century, and various papal bulls placed im- 
portant restrictions upon the chancellor's powers, but he continued 

Avranches manuscript is the most complete collection of Philip's sermons, containing also 
the first and second series. 

There is no apparent reason for attributing to Philip the Sermones cancellarii Pari- 
siensis of MS. 403 of the Royal Library at Berlin (cf. Rose, Verzeickniss, II. 237) or 
the Sermones . . . cancellarii Parisiensis at Erfurt (MS. F. 103). For an old French 
sermon on the Virgin composed in part by him see Valois, Guillaume a" Auvcrgnc, 
220 ff. 

Guiard de Laon, chancellor from 1237 to 1238, when he became bishop of Cambrai. 
On his writings see the Histoire Lilteraire, XVIII. 354-356; and Haureau, in the 
Journal des Savants, June, 1893. His numerous sermons, many of which are shown by 
the manuscripts to have been preached at Paris, have not come down to us in any single 
collection (the Siimmiila Sermonum seen by Oudin at Dijon seems to have been lost) 
but are found in several manuscripts, scattered among those of Eudes de Chateauroux, 
Guillaume d'Auvergne, and others of his contemporaries. Taken together, MSS. Lat. 
15959, 15955, and 15964 offer a fairly complete series for Sundays and festivals through- 
out the year, often with several for the same day. MSS. Lat. 15951 and 16471 and MS. 
Arras 329 contain a large number of sermons de sanclis. Various sermons are in MSS. 
Lat. 12418 (five, not three, as Haureau states), 15952, 15953, 15954, 16488, 16502, 
16505, 16507, n. a. 338, and in MS. Amiens 284 (which contains some in addition 
to those enumerated in Coyecque's catalogue). An old French sermon of Guiard is 
printed in the Revue des Sciences Ecclesiastiques ( 1861 ), IV. 124. Some of his sermons 
in MS. Lat. 16471 were ascribed by Haureau to Gautier de Chateau-Thierry because of 
the opinion, which he was finally compelled to abandon, that Guiard was never 

Eudes de Chateauroux, chancellor 1 238-1 244 and afterward cardinal bishop of Tus- 
culum. The time at my disposal has not permitted an investigation of the very numerous 
manuscripts of Eudes, apparently the most prolific sermonizer of all the chancellors of his 
century. Cardinal Pitra- [Analecta Novissima Spicilegii Solesiuensis, II. 188-343) haspub- 
lished extracts from a collection of 765 of his sermons in the possession of the Dominicans 
at Rome and has enumerated a large number of other manuscripts ; many of the Paris 
manuscripts have been noted by Haureau. See also Delisle in the Bibliothequc de I' Ecole 
des Chartes, XLIX. 268-272. The printed sermons and such others as I have read bear 
out Haureau' s statement that they contain few allusions to the customs or events of the 
time. On Eudes see Pitra, II. xxiii-xxxv ; Haureau, in the Journal des Savants, Au- 
gust, 1888, and in the Notices el Extraits des MSS., XXIV. 2. 204 ff. 

Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, chancellor from 1246 to 1 249, when he became bishop 
of Paris. Scattered sermons by him are found in MSS. Lat. 1 595 1 , 15953, x 5955» 
15959, l6 47l> 16488, 16507; MS. Arras 329, ff. 1, 53V, 72, 152; and MS. Arras 691, 
f. 139V. In a volume of Qutzstiones Theologica in the Bibliotheca Antoniana at Padua 
(MS. 152; his name appears on ff. 150V and 153 ; on f. 152V, apropos of the question 
whether a master reading at Paris can preach without the bishop's license, he has some- 
thing to say of the chancellor's office. Some account of Gautier and his writings will 
be found in Gallia Christiana, VII. 100 ; Histoire Litlhaire, XXVI. 390-395 ; Lecoy 
de la Marche, Clwire Eranfaise, 95. 

Etienne Tempier, also known as Etienne d' Orleans, chancellor from 1262 or 1263 
to 1268, when he became bishop of Paris. See Gallia Christiana, VII. 108-115; 
Hauriau, in Journal des Savants, 1890, p. 255. Three sermons by him are in MS. Lat. 
16481, ff. 77V, 136V, 214 (cf. Quetif and Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Pricdicalorian, I. 

8 C. H. Haskins 

to style himself the head of the university and to direct the exam- 
inations leading to the master's degree. As the chancellors were 
themselves masters and generally distinguished preachers as well, it 
is evident that their sermons, though they are naturally of the 
learned and dignified type and need to be used with due allowance 
for the official and often unfriendly attitude of the authors, represent 
close acquaintance with university affairs and possess special im- 
portance for the purpose of our study. 

With regard to the studies pursued at Paris we must not expect 
to find much information in the sermons. Various chancellors do 
indeed draw out elaborate comparisons between the seven liberal arts 
and the seven gifts of the spirit 1 , between the lessons of the Lord's 
school and those of the devil's 2 , but in such cases the audience is 
assumed to be sufficiently familiar with the studies mentioned, and 
the weight of exposition is put upon the corresponding virtue or 
vice ; and even where the account is more specific, it offers interest 
as an expression of the preacher's attitude toward learning rather 
than as a description of particular subjects. The all-important 
study, according to the preachers, is of course theology, " Madame 

Jean d' Orleans, also known as Jean des Alleux. chancellor from 1271 to 1280, when 
he became a Dominican. See Chartularium, I. 494; Quetif and Echard, I. 499; His- 
toire Litteraire, XXV. 270-280. His sermons are scattered through MSS. Lat. 14899, 
ff. 46, 83, 86, 132 ; 14947 (see Quetif and Echard, I. 385); I 495 2 » f- J 88v ; 15005 (con- 
tained also in MS. 14947) ; 15956, ff. 279V, 30IV, 313V ; 16481 (see Quetif and Echard, 
I. 268) ; 16482, ff. 178V, 204, 275V (ascribed to him by Quetif and Echard and the 
Histoire Litteraire') ; MS. Soissons 125, f. 60 ( Molinier's catalogue is wrong in attributing 
to him the four that follow, of which two are anonymous and two in the name " fratris 
Petri de Remerico Monte"); MS. Troyes 1788, f. 82v ; Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, pp. 
8, 15, 19, 29, 39, 47-, 53, 88, 129, 130; Bodleian, Ashmolean MS. 757, ff. 81, 349, 359 ; 
Merton College, MS. 237, ff. 32V, 94V, no; Venice, Library of St. Mark's, Fondo 
Antico, MS. 92, ff. 228 ff. (six sermons). 

Nicolas de Nonancourt, 1284-1288. Sermons in MSS. Lat. 15952, ff. 277V 
(also in 14961, f. 135), 279; 16252, f. 279. A " sermo cancellarii " in MS. Lat. 
15952, f. 113 (and anonymously in MS. 14899, f. 109) is attributed to him by Haureau. 

Bertaud de St. Denis, 1288-1295. But one of his sermons is known: MS. Lat. 
14947, f. 210 (also in MSS. Lat. 15005, f. 113, and 15129, f. 191). Cf. Bistoire Lit- 
teraire, XXV. 317-320, XXVI. 439 ; Journal des Savants, 1889, p. 303, 1891, p. 302. 

Sermons of anonymous chancellors who have not been identified are in MSS. Lat. 
568, f. 190; 10968, f. 104; 12418, ff. 109, no; 15527, f. 1; 15952, ff. 107-108; 
16502, ff. 26, 84V, 124. The editors of the Chartulariuni declare that various sermons 
of Aimery de Veire, chancellor from 1249 to circa 1263, are extant, but none were 
known to Haureau nor have I been able to discover any. The sermons in MS. Lat. 
2516A, of which Lecoy de la Marche conjectures Aimery to have been the author, are 
the work of Philippe de Greve {Journal des Savants, 1890, p. 249). 

•Prevostin, British Museum, Add. MS. 18335, f. 14; Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, 
MS. Lat. 15955, f- 4 2 9 ! ar| d MS. Arras 329, f. 3V; Eudes de Chateauroux, MS. Lat. 
15959, f. 24OV ; Barth61emy de Tours, Haureau, IV. 35. Cf. Philippe de Greve, In 
Psalterium, I. f. 31 1 (Paris, 1522) ; Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, II. 365. 

2 Jean d'Orleans, Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, p. 39. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 9 

la Haute Science " of the thirteenth century 1 , supreme above all 
other studies, which may be valuable as discipline but do not de- 
serve to be studied for their own sakes 2 . The arts are merely pre- 
paratory to theology 3 ; indeed the tritium affords a sufficient prepa- 
ration, since " the branches of the quadrivium , though containing 
truth, do not lead to piety "*. " The sword of God's word is forged 
by grammar, sharpened by logic, and burnished by rhetoric, but only 
theology can use it." Some students, however, use up the blade in 
putting on the edge 5 ; others give the best years of their life to fine 
speaking 6 or to the study of the stars 7 , coming in their old age to 
theology, which should be the wife of their youth 8 . Some neglect 
theology for geometry or for the works of the philosophers 1 ", so 
that even when they reach theology, they cannot be separated from 
their Aristotle 11 , but read his forbidden books in secret 12 and corrupt 
their faith 13 . The chief menace, however, to the preeminence of 
theology seems to have been the study of the canon law, after 12 19 

1 Henri d'Andeli, La Balaille des Sept Arts, line 79 (ed. Heron, 46). 

2 " Exercitandus et exercendus est animus in aliis scienciis, et in logicis et in natu- 
ralibus et in moralibus, secundum uniuscuiusque possibilitatem. Ipsa etiam scienlia 
iuris, maxime iuris canonici, non parum neccessaria sacre scripture doctoribus. Licet 
autem predicta discantur ante ipsam, finaliter tamen addiscenda sunt propter ipsam ". 
Philippe de Greve (?), " ad scolares", MS. Troyes 1099, f. 38. 

3 See the passages from sermons cited by Denifle, Universitaten, I. 100. 

1 Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, Analecta Novissima , II. 368, and Lecoydela Marche, 
Chaire Francaise, 458, note. 

5 " Gramatica fabricat gladium verbi Dei, logica ipsum acuit, rethorica ipsum polit, 
et theologia ipso utituret ipso percutit ; sed quidam scolaies superintendunt fabricationi, 
id est gramatice, alii acutioni in tantum ipsum acuendo quod totam aciem aufferunt ei ". 
Robert de Sorbon (?), MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198. 

6 Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15959.. f. 437, col. I. 

7 " Est alia quorundam sapientia qui scire complexiones argumentationum, decep- 
tiones sophismatum, secreta celi rimantur, motus astrorum, cursus planetarum. In his 
tamen non adeo reprehensibiles invenio sacerdotes sed quosdam qui etatem suam in his 
consumunt, quorum ingenium in talibus desudant ; semper discunt et nunquam ad scien- 
tiam veritatis proveniunt ". Pierre de Poitiers, MSS. Lat. 12293, £ ioiv ; 14593, f. 
146V, 32OV. 

8 Philippe de Greve, in Journal des Savants, 1894, p. 430. 

9 " Multi proponunt librum geometrie libro theologie". Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 
16471, f. 221. 

10 " Tercia sollicitudo mala est nimie curiositatis studendo in libris philosophorum et 
pretermittendo theologiam ". Jean d' Orleans, MS. Lat. 14889, f. 84V. For the differ- 
ent view of an eminent philosopher, Jean de La Rochelle, see Haureau, Histoire de la 
Philosophie Scholastique, part 2, I. 194. 

11 Jean de St. Gilles, in Haureau, VI. 234. 

12 Guiard de Laon, in Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 370. 

13 Jacques de Vitry, in Haureau, Philosophie Scholastique, part 2, I. 108, note. 

On the standard authorities in the various subjects at Paris cf. the following passage 
from a sermon of Friar Bartholomew of Bologna : " Aristotili creditur in logica, Galieno 
in medicina, et Tullio in rethorica, et similiter de aliis ; et esset opprobrium alicui quod 
in grammatica aliquid diceret contra precepta Prisciani et in logica contra precepta Aris- 
totilis et sic de aliis scientiis". Bodleian, Ashmolean MS. 757, ff. 367, 403V. 

io C. H. Haskins 

the only branch of jurisprudence represented at Paris. The rapid 
development of the judicial and administrative side of the eccle- 
siastical system in this period created a considerable demand for 
men trained in law, and many are the denunciations uttered by the 
theologians against those who forsake the water of sacred scripture 
for the Abana and Pharpar of the decretists 1 and are advanced to 
the best places in the church through the seductions of their devil's 
rhetoric 2 . 

The utilitarian motive appears not only in such obviously " lucra- 
tive " studies as law and medicine' 1 , but likewise in theology and 
arts, the study of which was the natural road to ecclesiastical prefer- 
ment. The chief hope of many students lay in securing a good 
benefice or prebend 4 , to which end they would toil early and late, 
since a prebend of a hundred livres might depend upon remember- 
ing a single word at the examination 3 . Favoritism also played its 
part in the distribution of patronage, and great was the popularity 
of those masters who had the ear of bishops or could exert other 
influence on behalf of their scholars . Many who had the good 

1 Philippe de Greve (?), MS. Troyes 1099, f. 37. 

2 " Leges . . . multi audiunt ut volare possint ad dignitates". Jean de Blois, 
MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. I IOv. Haureau, VI. 226, 228; Histoire Litteraire, XXVI. 
394; Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 368. Cf. Dante, Paradiso, ix. 133 ff. , xii. 82-83; 
Caesar of Heisterbach, in Vienna Sitzungsberichte, phil.-hist. K.I., CXLIV. 9. 79. 
Robert de Sorbon tells the story of a woman who supposed that her son was studying 
theology at Paris when he was really studying canon law, and who burst into tears on 
his return, saying, " Credebam quod filius meus deberet esse in servicio Dei et deberet 
ire ad scientiam Dei et quod esse deberet unus magnus predicator, e el vay a cr^talas 
(volebat dicere ad decretales)". MS. Lat. 15971, f. 167. 

On the general feeling toward lawyers in this period cf. Etienne de Bourbon, Nos. 
438 ff. ; the poem of Philippe de Greve De Advocatis, published in the Archives des Mis- 
sions (1866), second series, III. 288; and the following passage from a collection of 
Paris sermons in the Library of St. Mark's (Fondo Antico 92, f. 193): "Quondam 
ecclesia consuevit regi in pace per canones, modo regitur per advocatos, per quos fiunt 
plura mala quam per hereticos ; et student in legibus dicentes quod canones non pos- 
sunt sciri sine legibus ". 

3 " Omnes avaricie student, quia intermediis scienciis intendunt que sunt lucrative, 
scilicet medici, legiste, decretiste". Robert de Sorbon (?), MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198. 
On "lucrative sciences", cf. the bull Super speculum of Honorius III., Chariulariuiu, 
I., No. 32. 

'See the debate between the poor and the rich student published by Haureau, VI. 
306. Cf. also the forms of solicitation for benefices preserved in the student letter- 
writers. American Historical Review, III. 209, note 3. 

5 Robert de Sorbon, in Haureau, IV. 70. Cf. IV. 38 ; Histoire Litteraire, XXVI. 
436. So Albert de Reims : " Sic laborat aliquis .xx. annis in studio, et quis est finis 
eius? Certe ut capiat muscam, id est prebendam ". St. Mark's, Fondo Antico 92, f. 

6 " Scolares [curiositatem habent] de magistris qui habent favorem prelatorum". 
Guiard de Laon, MS. Amiens 284, f. 5v. So Robert de Sorbon, De Conscientia, 26 ; 
anon, in MS. Lat. 16471, f 118 ; MS. Arras 329, f. 86. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 1 1 

fortune to get benefices remained at Paris to enjoy them 1 , a form 
of non-residence which seems to have become a serious abuse by the 
thirteenth century, so that some students even held more than one 
benefice at the same time 2 . Indeed a parish or cathedral appoint- 
ment might come at the beginning as well as at the end of one's 
university career, being sometimes conferred upon ignorant youths, 
who at once hastened to Paris to secure some sort of an education — 
" like a physician who should take his pay, leave his patient, and 
come to the university to learn his medicine ", says one preacher 3 . 

Too eager pursuit of learning for its own sake was in quite as 
much disfavor with the preachers as were ambition and non-resi- 
dence. Scholars are constantly warned against the vanity of much 
study and against the sins of pride or false doctrine which may arise 
from wandering beyond the limits of modest attainment. 4 " Clerks 
busy themselves with eclipses of the sun, but fail to observe the dark- 
ening of their own hearts by sin " 3 . Far better is it that they should 
seek to know themselves than to search out the nature of animals, 
the virtues of herbs, or the courses of the stars 6 . The doves know 
well the golden rule, yet they have never studied at Paris or heard lec- 
tures on the Topica 7 . This doctrine is enforced by stories of mas- 
ters struck dumb to punish their conceit 8 , and of ambitious scholars 
dead before their time, after they had studied so hard in the hope 
of becoming bishop that they would never go out into the fields with 

1 Haureau, VI. 209, 210, 213, 214, 230, 233, 237; Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 
I S959> f. Hi Jean de Blois, MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. ill. 

2 Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 368, 1894, p. 436. 

3 " Contra illos qui tunc primo incipiunt studere et addiscere [MS. addicere] cum 
habent curam animarum, similes medico qui recepto salario dimisso infirmo vadit ad 
studium addiscere medicinam." MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198. Cf. Haureau, III. 243, VI. 58. 
An example of this abuse from the early part of the twelfth century is given in Monnmenta 
Germaytia Historica, Scriptores, IX. 610. In 1254 two canons of Mainz, who were 
banished from Germany for stealing, were permitted to receive revenue from their pre- 
bends if they would study at Paris. Bohmer-Will, Regesta Archiepiscuporum Mogun- 
tiensium, II. 322, No. 78. 

4 Jacques de Vitry, in Pitra, Analecta Novissima, I. 362 ; Guiard de Laon, MS. 
Lat. 16488, f. 377V; Prevostin, in Melanges Julien Havet, 302. 

5 " Querunt clerici de eclipsi solis sed de echpsi solis spiritualis que contingit in 
cordibus eorum per peccatum non querunt." Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971, f. 167. 
He alludes to the study of the stars and the movements of the heavens in the same MS., 
ff. 171V, 195. So Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15955, f- 4 2 9 i MS. Lat. 
16488, f. 410. 

*Id., MS. Lat. 159SI, f. 185; MS. Lat. 16488, f. 399. 

7 " Hanc regulam bene sciunt columbe que nunquam studuerunt Parisius nee audi- 
verunt Thopica." Id., MS. Lat. 16471, f. 79; MS. Lat. 16507, f. 39. 

8 Hisloire Lilteraire, XXXI. 54; Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 1 597 1, f- 198, 
translated in Lecoy de la Marche, U Esprit de nos Aieux, 279. Robert tells as the 
counterpart of this story the instance of a successful master whose only preparation for 
lectures consisted in going to mass every morning. 

1 2 C. H. Haskins 

their companions 1 , or had put off entering monastic life till they 
should have completed a full course at Paris, Montpellier. and Bo- 
logna 2 . The most popular story of this sort was that of a Paris 
student who appeared after death to his master, clad in a cope of 
parchment covered with fine writing. In reply to the master's ques- 
tion he said that the writing consisted of the sophisms and vain in- 
quiries upon which he had spent his time, and that the cope was a 
heavier load to carry than the tower of St. Germain-des-Pres, near 
which he and the master stood. As proof of the inward fire which 
tormented him he let fall a drop of perspiration which pierced the 
master's hand like an arrow and left a permanent opening in it ; 
whereupon the master abandoned the vain croakings and cawings 
of the schools and joined the Cistercians 3 . 

Nothing in these Paris sermons is more interesting than the 
insight they afford into a phase of the university's life concerning 
which we have otherwise but little information, namely the nature 
of the examinations and the preparation for them. On this point 
evidence is found mainly in the sermons of Robert de Sorbon, and 
particularly in his treatise On Conscience*, which is really an ex- 
panded sermon based upon an elaborate and suggestive parallel be- 
tween the examination for the master's degree and the last judg- 
ment. Taking as his text Job's desire that his " adversary had 
written a book" 5 , and outlining his headings in the approved fashion 
of his time, Robert begins with the statement that if any one decides 

1 Haureau, IV. 37. 

2 " Cleiicus quidam Parisius scolaris cum quodam socio suo in una domo et camera 
manens inspiratus a Deo deliberavit intrare religionem et socium suum ad hoc inducere. 
Quod renuens socius ait se velle adhuc esse Parisius per triennium et fieri magister, iterum 
morari apud Montem Pessulanum et fieri magister in medicina, iterum morari Bononie 
per septennium et fieri dominus legum. Summo mane surgens alius et veniens ad lectum 
ut acciperet licenciam ab eo invenit eum morte subitanea percussum qui disposuerat 
vivere tantum." MS. Tours 468, f. 78 ; MS. Baluze 77, f. 175. 

3 Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 12. On the wide-spread popularity of this exemplum 
see Crane's note (p. 146) and Haureau, " Les Recits d' Apparitions dans les Ser- 
mons du Moyen-Age", in Mimoires de I' Academie des Inscriptions, XXVIII. 2. 239 ff. 
It has recently been shown that the original of this story was a master at Oxford, Serlon 
of Wilton, and that the vision antedates 1154. See Schwob in Comptcs-nndns de 
V Academie des Inscriptions, 1898, p. 508. 

There is also a curious story of a stupid student who is made miraculously clever by 
Satan. After his early death devils take his soul to a deep valley and torment it by play- 
ing ball with it, but he returns to life and becomes a holy abbot. Caesar of Heisterbach, 
ed. Strange, I. 36. 

* Robert de Sorbon, De Conscientia et De Tribus Die/is, ed. Chambon ( Paris, 
1903). The old editions of Marguerin de la Bigne (Maxima Bibliotheca Patrum,X.XY. 
346-352) and Du Boulay ( Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, III. 225-235) are very 

5 Job, xxxi. 35, where the rendering of the Vulgate naturally suggests Robert's 
treatment : " Librum scribat rnihi ipse qui judicat." 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 1 3 

to seek the licentia legendi at Paris and cannot be excused from 
examination — as many of the great, by special favor, are — he would 
much like to be told by the chancellor, or by some one in his confi- 
dence, on what book he would be examined. Just as he would be a 
crazy student indeed, who, having found out which book this was, 
should neglect it and spend his time on others, even so is he mad 
who fails to study the book of his own conscience, in which we shall 
all, without exception, be examined at the great day. Moreover, if 
any one is rejected by the chancellor, he may be reexamined after a 
year, or it may be that, through the intercession of friends or by 
suitable gifts or services to the chancellor's relatives or other ex- 
aminers, the chancellor can be induced to change his decision ; 
whereas at the last judgment the sentence will be final and there will 
be no help from wealth or influence or stout assertion of ability as 
canonist or civilian or of familiarity with all arguments and all 
fallacies. Then, if one fails before the chancellor of Paris, the fact 
is known to but five or six and the mortification passes away in time, 
while the Great Chancellor, God, will refute the sinner " in full uni- 
versity " before the whole world. The chancellor, too, does not flog 
the candidate, but in the last judgment the guilty will be beaten with 
a rod of iron from the valley of Jehosaphat through the length of 
hell, nor can we reckon, like idle boys in the grammar-schools, on 
escaping Saturday's punishment by feigning illness, playing truant, 
or being stronger than the master, or like them solace ourselves with 
the thought that after all our fun is well worth a whipping. The 
chancellor's examination, too, is voluntary ; he does not force any 
one to seek the degree, but waits as long as the scholars wish, and is 
even burdened with their insistent demands for examinations. In 
studying the book of our conscience we should imitate the candidates 
for the license, who eat and drink sparingly, conning steadily the one 
book they are preparing, searching out all the authorities that pertain 
to this, and hearing only the professors that lecture on this subject, 
so that they have difficulty in concealing from their fellows the fact 
that they are preparing for examination. Such preparation is not 
the work of five or ten days — though there are many who will not 
meditate a day or an hour on their sins — but of many years. 1 At 
the examination the chancellor asks, " Brother, what do you say to 

1 " Putatis vos quod si unus homo fuerit per .x. vel per .v. dies ad unam scientiam, 
quod cancellarius tam cito det licentiam ? Certe non, immo oportet quod clerici multis 
diebus et noctibus et multis annis studeant. Sed multi sunt qui vix volunt una die vel 
una hora de suis peccatis cogitare." MS. Lat. 16481, f. 154; sermon of Aniand de 
St. Quentin preached at the Madeleine on the fourth Sunday in Lent, 1273. Cf. Histoire 
Li.teraire, XXVI. 455. 

14 C. H. Haskins 

this question, what do you say to this one and this one?" 1 The chan- 
cellor is not satisfied with a verbal knowledge of books without an 
understanding of their sense, 2 but unlike the Great Judge, who will 
hear the book of our conscience from beginning to end and suffer 
no mistakes, he requires only seven or eight passages in a book and 
passes the candidate if he answers three questions out of four. Still 
another difference lies in the fact that the chancellor does not always 
conduct the examination in person, so that the student who would be 
terrified in the presence of so much learning often answers well 
before the masters who act in the chancellor's place 3 . 

If those who have studied their consciences thoroughly will have 
such difficulty in the great examination, how much worse will it be 
for those who have not studied at all ? The moralist is thus led to 
consider where the book of conscience may be read, namely in con- 
fession, and to compare the necessity of frequent confession with the 
student's need of regular attendance upon his master's lectures. At 
Paris only he who goes to the schools at least twice a week and hears 
"ordinary" lectures is considered a student, and only such can expect 
a master to demand their release if captured by the prcvot and im- 
prisoned in the Chatelet 4 , yet many there are who confess but once a 
year or at best make only a hurried confession (cursorie) ; these are 
not God's scholars and for them there will be no release from the 
prevot of hell. As at Paris the best clerk is he who by diligent 
attendance upon lectures becomes able to answer questions which 
silence the great teachers, so on the day of judgment some simple 
monk or begnine who has well pondered the book of conscience and 
frequently confessed will put to shame and derision great masters of 
arts or law or medicine or theology who have neglected these duties. 
What will it profit a man then to possess the learning of Aristotle 
and Priscian, of Justinian and Gratian, of Galen and Hippocrates 
and the rest, preserved on the skins of sheep or goats? If a master 
were to give his scholars new robes or assure them good prebends in 

1 " Scitis qualiter probantur clerici Parisius ? Queritur ab eo, Frater, qualiter diceretis 
ad istam questionem, et qualiter diceres tu ad hoc et ad hoc ; et secundum hoc quod 
respondet licenciatur vel refutatur. " Amand de S. Quentin, ibid. 

2 " Item si quis sciret literam librorum corditenus et nesciret sensum, non transiret 
examinationem cancellarii." Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 16482, f. 309V. Another 
allusion of Robert to the chancellor's examination is printed in Lecoy de la Marche, La 
Chain Fra>?(tiise, 457, note. 

3 Robert here cites the instance of an abbot-elect examined before Guiard de Laon, 
bishop of Cambrai, who was so overcome that he could not even read his missal or say 
his Paler nosier. 

4 On the distinction between " ordinary " and " cursory " lectures at Paris see Rash- 
dall, I. 426 ff. ; and on the method of securing release from the Chatelet, the Chartu- 
lariuin, I., No. 197. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century i 5 

a cathedral, he would have such a throng of scholars that no room 
could hold them, and other masters, however excellent, would be 
obliged to shut up shop — " put their fiddles under the bench " — for 
lack of hearers. Yet God gives to all his followers the garment of 
the new man and the prebend of his grace the day they enter his 
school, and, unlike certain proud masters who will lecture only to a 
large audience, he is willing to read to a single scholar. Many choose 
as confessors those who have been guilty of the same sin, yet only a 
fool would study his book with the poorest teacher of Paris, it being 
one of the glories of a student at his inception that he has studied 
under the best masters in the city. None but unworthy masters 
would imitate the jealousy of certain confessors who are unwilling to 
have their parishioners confess to others ; indeed a good master will 
advise his pupils to attend the lectures of others, for it is scarcely 
possible to become a good clerk unless one has listened to several 
masters. Yet men should not avoid their own confessors and seek 
out strangers, but should follow the example of good students at 
Paris, who choose by preference masters who are compatriots and 
well known to them. In the day of judgment priests, as well as 
people, will be held responsible for the proper study of the book of 
conscience, just as the chancellor, when he hears on Saturday the 
lessons of the boys in the grammar-schools, flogs the masters as well 
as the pupils if he thinks them to blame for the pupils' ignorance. 

For the faults of the masters the preachers show little indul- 
gence. Many begin to teach before they have studied long enough 
in the schools, an abuse which prevails in all faculties, but particu- 
larly in that of arts 1 . Such masters, says Jacques de Vitry, draw 
their lectures from books and closets, not from well-stored minds, 
but they succeed in securing students none the less, by personal soli- 
citation and friendship and even by hiring them to come 2 . The 
number of their scholars is the masters' pride 3 ; to crowd their class- 

1 " Quidatn scolares ante tempus ablactari volunt et fiunt magistri, et hoc in quaque 
facilitate." Philippe de Greve, sermon of August 21, 1226, MS. Avranches 132, f. 
243V. " Multi qui adhuc deberent discere presumunt docere, quod vicium maxirae in 
artibus inolevit." Id., MS. Royal 8.F.13, f. 130V. Cf. his Psalter, edition of 1522, f. 
8v; Nicolas de Nonancourt, MS. Lat. 16252, f. 279V. 

5 Pitra, Analecta A'ovissima, II. 359; Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Fi-ancaise, 452. 
The hiring of scholars is also found at Bologna; see American Historical Review, 
III. 223, note 2. 

3 Guiard de Laon, MS. Amiens 284, f. 5v. Cf. Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971, 
f. 176V : " Vidi Parisius multos magistros qui dimittebant legere quia non habebant 
multos auditores ". 

Hence their class-rooms should be large and easily accessible : " Scola est exposita 
cuilibet transeunti ut sciatur. . . . Item est fenestrata. . . . Item debet esse 
lata ut multos capiat". Guiard de Laon, MSS. Lat. 16471, f. 10; 16507, f. 8v. Cf. 

1 6 C. H. Has kins 

rooms they preach new and strange doctrines 1 , and for money they 
will lecture even on Sundays and holy days 2 . Masters there are, 
too, who make life easy for the scholars who live with them, letting 
them sleep late in the morning and roam about and amuse them- 
selves freely 3 , and even conniving at their vices 4 . The great aim 
of the master is not to instruct his pupils but to appear learned and 
be called rabbi r ' ; many speak obscurely in order to appear more 
profound 6 , and even pay the beadles to magnify them and cover up 
their ignorance 7 . Their quarrels are like cock-fights 8 , and they are 
so jealous that they seek to draw away one another's scholars" and, 
even when detained by illness, will not suffer their pupils to hear 
lectures from another 10 . 

When we turn from studies and teachers to the students them- 
selves, we find the material contained in the sermons fuller and more 
satisfactory. The ideal scholar of the pulpits was a rather color- 
less personage, obedient, respectful, eager to learn, and keeping very 
much to himself 11 . In order to win the favor of the master and his 
personal instruction 12 , one should be assiduous at lectures, quick at 
learning, and bold in debate, and should also attract other pupils to 

Buoncompagno's description of an ideal Bolognese lecture-hall, Gaudenzi, Bibliotheca 
Jiiridica Medii Aevi, II. 279. 

1 " In discipulis coluntur magistri qui inaudita dicunt." Guiard de I.aon, MS. Lat. 
15959, f- 296V. Crane, Jacques de Vitry, 10, II. 

2 " II li qui pro argento diebus dominicis et festivis legunt debent saluti anime sue 
intendere ut laicis bonum exemplum ostenderent. " Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. 
Lat. 15959, f- 437> co1 - 2 - 

3 "Magistri ill I qui blandiuntur clericis suis et adulantur et dant eis licenciam 
spaciandi et ludendi et voluntatem faciendi habent plures scolares ; sed illi qui artant 
suos timentur et paucos habent." Philippe de Greve, Bibliotheque Mazarine, MS. 1009, 
f. 123V ; Royal MS. 8.F.13, f. 27IV. 

4 Haureau, VI. 246. Cf. Jean de Montlhery, MS. Merton College 237, f. 227V : 
" Innocens iuvenis mittitur quandoque Parysius et exemplo mali socii vel forte magistri 
sui ita corumpitur et inficitur quod omnibus diebus vite sue non carebit illo vicio." 

5 "Nee magistri ad utilitatem audiunt, legunt, nee disputant, sed ut vocentur 
Rabbi." MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. 197. 

6 MS. Lat. 16507, f. 48V. 

7 Haureau, VI. 124. 

8 Philippe de Greve, Notices et Extraits des MSS., XXI. 2. 193; Journal des 
Savants, 1894, p. 431 ; Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Franfaise, 452 ; Valois, Guiltaume 
d' Auvergne, 5 2 - 

9 Pitra, Aitalecta Novissima , II. 362. 

,0 " Contra magistros qui cum aliquando sint in vinculis infirmitatis vel alicuius 
occupationis non possunt sustinere quod discipuli sui alium audiant licet meliorem." 
Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 15951, f. 14. 

11 " Magistri propter quatuor diligunt discipulos : . . . primo quia obedientes ; . . . 
secundo quia timorosi ; . . . tercio quia solitarii, non in strepitu et confabulacione cum 
aliis ; . . . quarto quia de addiscendosolliciti." Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat.l647l,f. H2v. 

12 " Mos est apud scolares quod discipuli cariores ab ipsis magistris edocentur." 
Ibid., f. 253. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century i 7 

the master 1 . Robert de Sorbon lays down six rules for successful 
study : a fixed time for each subject, concentrated attention, memor- 
izing specific things, note-taking, conference with others, and finally 
prayer, " which availeth much for learning " 2 . The good student 
should imitate Christ among the doctors, hearing many masters, al- 
ways seeking good teachers without regard to their fame or place 
of birth, and listening as well as asking questions — unlike those who 
will not wait for the end of a question but cry out, " I know what 
you mean " 3 . Even when he goes to walk by the Seine in the even- 
ing, the good student ought to ponder or repeat his lesson 4 . 

It need scarcely be said that the students of medieval Paris did 
not as a rule spend their time in such studious promenades ; indeed 
if further evidence were needed to dispel the illusion that a medieval 
university was an institution devoted to biblical study and religious 
nurture, the preachers of the period would offer sufficient proof. 
We have already seen how the theological faculty, the only one deal- 
ing directly with religious subject-matter, was suffering from the 
competition of the canon law and other " lucrative " subjects, and 
it is on every hand apparent that the morals of at least a consider- 
able portion of the student body were as profane as their studies 5 . 
Students, we are told, care nothing for sermons, and for most of 
them holy days are only an occasion for idleness ; they remain out- 
side during mass, and like their masses short and their lectures and 
disputations long 7 . If their voice is in the choir, their mind is with- 
out, in the street, in bed, or at the table — as the rhyme ran 8 , 

Vox in choro, mens in foro 
Vel in mensa vel in thoro. 

Confession they likewise neglect ; instead of seeking to have his soul 
cleansed by confession on his arrival at Paris , the student hastens 

'Anonymous, ibid., f. n8v. 

2 Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Franfaisc, 453. 

3 " Contra illos qui nolunt audire antequam respondeant sed clamant dicentes, Bene 
scio quid vultis dicere." Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971 , f. 146V. 

* " Sic bonus scolaris sero debet ire spaciatum ad ripam Secane, non ut ibi ludatur 
sed leccionem repetat vel meditetur." /bid., f. 198. 

5 Cf. Langlois, Questions d' Histoire et d' Enseignemenl, 5; Rashdall, II. 700-702. 

6 Bourgain, Chaire Francaise, 287; Journal des Savants, 1893, P- 37 2> 

7 " Contra illos qui gaudent de brevitate missarum et longitudine lectionum et dis- 
putationum et foris sunt dum cantatur missa." Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. Lat. 
15955, f. 228, col. 4. 

8 MS. Lat. 15971, f. 185. 

9 " Scolaris quando venit Parysius statim currit ad lotricem ut lavetur, non vadit ad 
confessionem ut mundetur eius cor." Jean de Montlhery, MS. Merton College 237, f. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 2. 

1 8 C. H. Haskins 

to the laundress. Dominicans like Etienne de Bourbon attend ves- 
pers, at Notre-Dame or elsewhere 1 , but a miracle or special provi- 
dence is often needed in order to bring students or masters into this 
order 2 , and one subprior complains that parents are more anxious 
to keep their sons away from the friars than from the brothel or the 
tavern 3 . " The student's heart is in the mire ", says another Do- 
minican, " fixed on prebends and things temporal and how to satisfy 
his desires " 4 . " He is ashamed to sin against the rules of Donatus, 
but not to violate the law of Christ " 5 . He is much more familiar, 
says Robert de Sorbon, with the text of the dice, which he recog- 
nizes at once, no matter how rapidly they are thrown, than with the 
text of logic — yet the gloss of the dice he forgets, which is. Swear, 
steal, and be hanged 6 . Many students come to Paris like the prodi- 
gal to a far country and indulge in practices they would not even 
think of at home, wasting in riotous living not only their own por- 
tion but the substance of their churches 7 . 

What the forms of riotous living were which prevailed among 
students the preachers do not hesitate to specify, sometimes with 
more particularity than modern taste permits. Gambling is men- 

228. For other relations between students and lolrices, cf. the following, from the ser- 
mon of an anonymous chancellor: "Sic hodie faciunt lotrices Parisius. Bene sciunt 
totundere fatuous clericos. Illos ergo qui in luxuria vivunt Dallida expoliat et isti ton- 
duntur". MS. Lat. 16502, f. 86v. 

1 Ed. Lecoy de la Marche, 317, 363. 

2 Ibid., 44, 86, 222, 345. 

3 Haureau, III. 287. 

* " Scolaris habet cor ad lutum, ad temporalia, ad prebendas et huiusmodi, et 
quomodo possit suam explere libidinem [MS. libinem]." Jean de Montlhery, Ashmo- 
lean MS. 757, in the Bodleian, f. l6ov. 

5 Quoted from St. Augustine in MS. Lat. 15959, f - 437 < co1 - l '< MS. Lat. 15955, 
f. 430. Cf. Robert de Sorbon in Haureau, V. 57. 

6 " Hoc faciunt aleatores et ludentes cum taxillis hodie, namque multi sciunt melius 
textum taxillorum, id est numerum pungctorum. Quamcunque cito proiciantur statim 
vident asardum, et huiusmodi ; unde melius sciunt textum taxillorum quam textum logice 
veteris. Tamen glosam nesciunt. Glosa taxillorum est hec : Iurabo, furabor, suspendar. 
Sic accidit ista septimana prope Parisius ad duas leucas de quodam sacerdote qui forte 
luserat in iuventute et modo non erat oblitus. . . . Lusit .x. libras et equum suum, post 
suspendit se. Hie est finis taxillorum." MS. Lat. 15971, f. 68. So in the same 
MS., f. 117V, he says: " Ludis ad talos, ribaldus eris. Probatio : Qui studet in libris 
gramaticalibus gramaticus vult esse ; ergo qui studet in libris ribaldorum, scilicet ludendo 
cum deciis, ribaldus vult esse". Cf. Haureau, " Les Propos de Maitre Robert", 141. 

7 "Sic scolares abeunt in regionem longinquam cum veniunt Parisius et expendunt 
aliquando non solum portionem propriam sed paternam et maternam et fraternam necnon 
bona ecclesie." Guiard de Laon, MS. Arras 329, f. 59V ; MS. Lat. 16471, f. 39. 
Pierre de Poitiers, in Bourgain, Chaire Fran^aise, 27, note, and 293 (where indt should 
be read in place of the mihi from which Bourgain infers the chancellor's feeling of re- 
sponsibility for the scholars' morals) ; Haureau, VI. 256; Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, 
MS. Lat. 15959, f. 434v. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 1 9 

tioned 1 , even on the altars of churches 2 , and feasting and free in- 
dulgence in the wine-cup 3 , as well as wild carouses in the streets 
and the visiting of disreputable resorts 4 , which were often found in 
close proximity to the class-rooms 5 . Many of the students led a 
life that was by no means celibate , and there are allusions to the 
darkest of monastic vices 7 . 

Whatever their other virtues, the students of medieval Paris were 
not distinguished for their love of peace and quiet. Theirs was a 
rough and violent age, and what with the prevofs men and the 
townsmen, the monks of St. Germain and the friars, there was no 
lack of opportunity for a brawl, in which the students were only too 
likely to be the aggressors. ' They are so litigious and quarrelsome 
that there is no peace with them ; wherever they go, be it Paris or 
Orleans, they disturb the country, their associates, even the whole 
university '" 8 . Many of them go about the streets armed, attacking 
the citizens, breaking into houses, and abusing women 9 . They quar- 

1 Besides the passages from Robert de Sorbon just quoted, see Jacques de Vitry, ed. 
Crane, 8 ; and MS. Tours 468, f. 80, printed below, p. 25, note 4. The more common 
offenses committed by students against ecclesiastical discipline are illustrated by a 
blanket form of the papal penitentiary, or letter of " Licet non credas", covering acts 
which may have been committed by a clerk when a student and have afterward been for- 
gotten : " Quod olim in diversis terris, locis et studiis generalibus vel aliis fuisti, in cleri- 
cos seculares, presbyteros vel alias religiosas et ecclesiasticas personas interdum causa 
ludi, correctionis vel alia irato animo manus temere violentas usque et citra sanguinis 
effusionem iniciendo absque alio excessu difficili vel enormi, arma portando, ad taxillos 
et alios illicitos ludos ludendo, tabernas, ortos, vineas, prata et alia loca vetita et inhon- 
esta intrando . . . nee non doctoribus, magistris, bedellis et bacallariis salaria statutis ter- 
minis non solvendo". Formulary of Benedict XII, in the Vatican library, MS. Ottoboni 
333> f- 7 2v - A somewhat different text is published from MS. Tours 594 by Denifle in 
the Archiv fiir Litteratur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, IV. 207. 

2 Chartularium, I., No. 470. 

5 See, for example, Pierre le Mangeur in Bourgain, Chaire Francaise, 292. The 
best evidence on this point is of course to be found in the drinking-songs and in the 
records of the nations. 

4 Prevostin,in Haureau, III. 166; Melanges Julien Havet, 303 ; Lecoydela Marche, 
Chaire Francaise, 460. See also the passages cited below in regard to the carrying of arms. 

5 See on this point the well-known passage of Jacques de Vitry, Historia Occidentalis 
(ed. Douai, 1597), 278; reproduced in Rashdall, II. 690; and on its interpretation, 
Denifle, Universildten, I. 672. 

6 Jacques de Vitry, loc. cil. ; Pitra, Analecta Novissima, II. 434 ; Haureau, III. 319 ; 
Etienne de Bourbon, 50, 402, 406 ; Llistoire Litteraire, XXVI. 458; and the character- 
istic story told in MS. Auxerre 35, f. 1 27V. 

7 Jacques de Vitry, loc. cit.; Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, in Haureau, VI. 210, and 
Histoire Litteraire, XXVI. 393 ; anonymous Minorite, Haureau, VI. 257. 

8 " Videbitis etiam aliquos sic rixosos, discolos, et litigiosos quod nullo modo potest 
cum eis haberi pax. Ubicunque sunt, Parisius vel Aurelianis, perturbant totam terram et 
totam societatem cum qua sunt, immo totam universitatem." Jean de Montlhery, MS. 
Lat. I4955> f- 14OV ; translated in Histoire Litteraire, XXVI. 437. On the litigiousness 
of the time cf. Philippe de Greve (MS. Avranches 132, f. 242 ; MS. Troyes 1099, f. 138): 
"Tanta increvit malicia ut laicus laicum, clericus clericum, etc., scolaris scolarem ad re- 
motos iudices trahat, non ut consequaturiusticiam sed ut adversarius redimat vexationem ". 

9 " Qui portant arma . . . qui frangunt hospicia, mulieres rapiunt, inter se aliquando 

20 C. H. Ha skins 

rel among themselves over dogs 1 , women, or what-not, slashing off 
one another's fingers with their swords 2 , or, with only knives in their 
hands and nothing to protect their tonsured pates, rush into con- 
flicts from which armed knights would hold back 3 . Their compa- 
triots come to their aid, and soon whole nations of students may be 
involved in the fray 4 . Some of these attacks are planned in advance 
at organized meetings of students 5 , which, according to Philippe de 
Greve, no impartial witness it is true, are largely given over to such 
matters. " In the old days," he says, " when each master taught 
for himself and the name of university was unknown, lectures and 
disputations were more frequent and there was more zeal for study. 
But now that you are united into a university, lectures and disputa- 
tions are rare, things are hurried, and little is learned, the time taken 
from lectures being spent in meetings and discussions. In these 
assemblies, while the older heads are deliberating and legislating, the 
younger spend their time hatching the most abominable schemes and 
planning their nocturnal raids " 6 , Outsiders might also indulge in 
these student escapades, donning the scholar's garb in order to es- 
cape arrest by the civil authorities 7 . 

se occidunt, hii sunt carnifices diaboli, non clerici." Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. 
Lat. 15959, f. 436, col. 4. " Hoc est contra petulantiam quorumdam vitulorum, id est 
scolarium, non Dei sed diaboli, qui quasi vituli prosiliunt de nocte discurrentes." 
Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 15959, f- I 3 V> Philippe de Greve, Journal des Savants, 
1894, p. 430. Prevostin, in Haureau, III. 166. On students who carry arms cf. the 
Chartularium, I., Nos. 213, 426, 470; and on quarrels with tradesmen, Jean de 
Garlande, Dictionarius, ed. Scheler, c. 35. 

1 Haureau, VI. 250. 

z " Heu hodie non precinguntur scolares hoc lintheo sed potius gladio belli. . . . 
Nostri clerici sero cum gladiis invicem pugnarunt et quidam ex illis digitos alterius 
amputant." Philippe de Greve, MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. 155. 

3 Remark attributed to Philip Augustus, Haureau, VI.' 250. 

4 Anonymous Dominican, ibid. ; Nicolas de Nonancourt, ibid., IV. 157 (where, as 
in MS. Lat. 16252, f. 279, the last sentence should begin, " Ex certa malicia movent " ). 
Haureau strangely misunderstands the latter passage as referring to the nations of Europe 
instead of to the nations of the university. Cf. also Rutebeuf, " Li Diz de l'Universite - 
de Paris", vv. 37-39 (ed. Kressner, 51). 

5 Eudes de Chateauroux, Journal des Savants, 1890, p. 305. Cf., for the fourteenth 
century, Chartularium, II., No. 1072. 

translated by Haureau in Journal des Savants, 1894, p. 430. Philip expresses 
his opinion of the university organization in another sermon : " Circumiit scolas et invenit 
monstruositatem. Monstrum in uno corpore diversarum coniunctio naturarum. Quid est 
ergo ex diversis nationibus universitatem facere nisi monstrum creare? . . . Quattuor 
capita huius monstri sunt quattuor facultates, logice, phisice, canonici et divini iuris". 
MS. Mazarine 1009, f. 159V ; MS. Lat. 15955, ff. 126V-127. 

7 " Falsorum scolarium qui sub nomine scolarium et habitu flagitia perpetrant licen- 
tius quam scolares, quia prepositi non audent manus immittere." Philippe de Greve, 
MS. Mazarine 1009, f. 57V ; MS. Lat. 15955, f. 96V ; MS. Rouen 615, f. 53V. 

The allusions of the preachers to the disturbances at Paris are seldom very specific 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 1 1 

More interesting than these general characterizations in which 
the sermons abound are the incidental allusions to the ordinary life 
of the thirteenth-century student. The preachers take us into the 
very atmosphere of the Latin quarter and show us much of its varied 
activity. We hear the cries 1 and songs of the streets 2 — 

Li tens s' en veit, 
Et je n' ei riens fait ; 
Li tens revient, 
Et je ne fais riens — , 

the students' tambourines and guitars 3 , their " light and scurrilous 
words "\ their hisses"' and handclappings and loud shouts of applause 
at sermons and disputations". We watch them as they mock a neigh- 
bor for her false hair 7 or stick out their tongues and make faces at 

(cf. Eudes de Chateauroux in Pitra, Analecta Nbvissima, II. 230, and Haureau, II. 
119; Philippe de Greve in MS. Avranches 132, ff. 24, 263V). There are, however, 
various references to the disorders of 1273 (Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Franfaise, 85, 
451 ; Quetif and Echard, Scrip/ores Ordinis Prtcdicatorum, I, 269); and some points 
of interest in regard to the dispersion of 1229 are indicated in a contemporary sermon of 
Philippe de Greve : " Habebant scolares tamquam apes domos exagonas Parisius, id est 
studio competentes, edificabant favos quibus demulcebant affectum et illuminabant intel- 
lectum . . . Sed aspersum est origanum super loca ipsorum, . . . fugerunt et florigeras 
regiones lustraverunt ut quietem invenirent, suspirantes nihilominus ad loca dimissa, quia 
spes est quod bonus et prudens paterfamilias, scilicet summus pontifex, purget amaritudi- 
nem origanni ut ad loca propria revertantur. Felix locus et felix civitas que filios dis- 
persos pie collegit, pie dico scilicet ut eos nutriret et postmodum matri restitueret, quia 
signum est quod talis nutrix non diligit dispersionem. Non sic autem ilia que quos 
nutriret sibi retinere intenderet, ut Andegavis, de qua impletur illud leremiae [xvii. 
Il], Perdix fovit que non peperit. . . . Videtur inter alias Aurelianis sic quos recepit 
habuisse, non tamquam emula sed tamquam nutrix et gerilla, et recte quia inter alias 
Parisiensis civitas soror est. . . . Ruben, Alius visionis, scolares, . . . terra Moabitidis 
civitas Andegavis. . . . Bonus paterfamilias . . . scripsit regi ut scolaribus iusticie 
plenitudinem exhiberet et eos in Betleem, id est domum panis que est Parisius, revocaret 
ac libertates eisdem a felicis memorie rege Philippo pie indultas liberaliter et inviola- 
biliter conservaret : '. " Sermo cancellarii Parisiensis quem fecit Aurelianis ad scolares 
de recessu scolarium a Parisius, quem fecit in vigilia Pasche." MS. Avranches 132, f. 
340V ; MS. Troyes 1099, f. i6ov. 

1 See the story in Etienne de Bourbon, 185, of the poor scholar who substituted the 
cries of dealers in old clothes for the words of the church service ; and cf. the poem of 
Guillaume de la Villeneuve, " Les Crieries de Paris", in Franklin, Les Cris de Paris 
(Paris, 1887), 133. 

2 Haureau, III. 341 ; Etienne de Bourbon, 346. 

3 Histoire Litteraire, XXVI. 458. 

*•' Verba levia et scurrilia. Talia sunt verba multorum scolarium." Richard, 
Minorite, in MS. Lat. n. a. 338, f. 54. Cf. the story of the student who blasphemed 
against Abraham, Caesar of Heisterbach, ed. Strange, I. 192. 

5 "Dico de scolaribus, quia multi peccant lingua aliter quam loquendo, sicut il 1 1 
clerici qui sibilant." Philippe de Greve, MS. Alencon 153, f. 58. Cf. Du Cange, under 

6 Anonymous sermons in Haureau, II. 108, VI. 257. 

7 " Isabel, ceste queue n'est pas de ce veel. " Ibid., IV. 177 ; Etienne de Bour- 
bon, 239. 

22 C. H. Haskins 

the passers-by 1 . We see the student studying by his window 2 , talking 
over his future with his room-mate 3 , receiving visits from his pa- 
rents 4 , nursed by friends when he is ill 5 , singing psalms at a student's 
funeral , or visiting a fellow-student and asking him to visit him — 
" I have been to see you, now come to our hospice " 7 . 

All types are represented. There is the poor student, with no 
friend but St. Nicholas 8 , seeking such charity as he can find 9 or earn- 
ing a pittance by carrying holy water 10 or copying for others — in a 
fair but none too accurate hand 11 — , sometimes too poor to buy books 
or afford the expense of a course in theology 12 , yet usually surpassing 
his more prosperous fellows, who have an abundance of books at 
which they never look 13 . There is the well-to-do student, who besides 
his books and desk will be sure to have a candle in his room 14 and a 
comfortable bed with a soft mattress and luxurious coverings 15 , and 

1 " Idem potest dici de scolaribus qui linguam protrahunt et naso subsannant et super- 
cilium supprimunt digitum extendentes in derisione coram se transeuntium. " Guiard de 
Laon, MS. Lat. 15959, f. 135. 

2 Haureau, III. 341 ; Etienne de Bourbon, 346. 

3 MS. Tours 468, f. 78, printed above, p. 12, note 2. 

4 See the story of the student who was ashamed to receive a visit from his father and 
made him eat with the servants. Munich, Cod. Lat. 23420, f. 170. 

5 Odo of Cheriton, in Hervieux, Fabnlistes Latins, IV. 295. 

6 Caesar of Heisterbach, ed. Strange, I. 37. 

7 " Nota quod socius quando socium visitavit, Veni ad vos, modo venite ad nostrum 
hospicium. " Anonymous, MS. Lat. 16505, f. 203V. 

s " Hinc est quod pauperes clerici qui non habent qui figant illos in ecclesia Dei, 
beatum Nicholaum invocent." Eudes de Chateauroux, MS. Lat. 16471, f. 48. 

9 Journal des Savants, 1887, p. 122 ; Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Fran(aise, 462. 
10 Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 47, ed. Pitra, 451 ; Etienne de Bourbon, 446. 

11 " Pauperes enim scolares manu sua propria sibi vel aliis scribunt, quod sibi fideliter, 
quod aliis pulcre et velociter." Guiard de Laon, M.S. Lat. 15951, f. 372V. 

12 Lecoy de la Marche, lou cit. On the expense of a theological course cf. American 
Historical Review, HI. 221. 

13 " Sepe visum est Parisius quod clerici qui vivunt de beneficio istorum clericorum 
divitum multi plus proficiebant in scientia et vita quam ipsi divites de quibus vivebant et 
a quibus victum recipiebant, et ita probi et magni clerici fiebant quod postea ipsi divites 
eis serviebant. . . . Non propter hoc dico quod vir religiosus non possit plus sibi pro- 
ficere si sit sollicitus circa se quam secularis, sicut videmus de clerico divite. Non dico 
quin plus possit proficere in scientia et virtute si velit esse sollicitus de profectu suo quam 
pauper possit. Nee hoc est mirum, car il a plus davantages et melius habet victum suum 
et libros sibi neccessarios et magistros magis paratos circa se." Robert de Sorbon, 
Munich, Cod. Lat. 23372, pp. 124-125. " Quidam habent multos et pulcros libros et 
bene paratos et nunquam ibi respiciunt. . . . Debent libros suos qui in eis nichil faciunt 
tradere pauperibus scolaribus qui libenter addiscunt." Id., MS. Lat. 1 597 1 . £ 198. 

u " Si quis daret alicui scolari Parisius lumen per annum, multum diligeret eum." 
Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Francaise, 461, note. 

15 Etienne de Bourbon, 29. There is an exemplum of a Paris student who dies and 
leaves his mattress to his companion to be given to the poor for the repose of his soul. 
The companion keeps the mattress for himself, whereupon he has a vision of the former 
owner lying in torment upon the hard, rough cords of a wooden bed ; after he gives the 
mattress to the poor, he sees his friend lying in comfort upon a mattress. Jacques de 
Vitry, ed. Crane, 53, ed. Pitra, 452. MS. Auxerre 35, f. 8ov. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 23 

will be tempted to indulge the medieval fondness for fine raiment 
beyond the gown and hood and simple wardrobe prescribed by the 
statutes 1 . Then there are the idle and aimless, drifting about from 
master to master and from school to school and never hearing full 
courses or regular lectures. Some, who care only for the name of 
scholar and the income which they receive while attending the uni- 
versity, go to class but once or twice a week, choosing by preference 
the lectures on canon law, which do not begin till nine in the morn- 
ing 2 and thus leave them plenty of time for sleep 3 . Many eat cakes 
in the morning when they ought to be at study 4 , or go to sleep in the 
class-rooms, spending the rest of their time drinking in taverns or 
building castles in Spain (castclla in Hispania) 5 ; and when it is time 
to leave Paris 6 , in order to make some show of learning such students 
get together huge volumes of calfskin, with wide margins and fine 
red bindings, and so with wise sack and empty mind they go back to 
their parents. " What knowledge is this ", asks the preacher, " which 
thieves may steal, mice or moths eat up, fire or water destroy ? " ; and 
he cites an instance where the student's horse fell into a river, carry- 
ing all his books with him 7 . Some never go home, but continue to 
enjoy in idleness the fruits of their benefices 8 . Even in vacation 
time, when the rich ride off with their servants 9 and the poor trudge 

On the furniture found at Paris in this period, see Jean de Garlande, Dictionarius, 
ed. Scheler, cc. 55, 56. It is not so clear as Rashdall (II. 668) supposes that c. 55 
refers to student hostels. 

1 Chartularium, I., Nos. 20, 201, 202, 448, 501. See also the beginning of the 
poem " De presbytero et logico ", in Haureau, VI. 310 ; Wright, Latin Poems attributed 
to Waller Mapes, 25 1. There are allusions to the cope and hood in Haureau, IV. 51 ; 
Etienne de Bourbon, 406; Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 12. Jean de Montlhery says; 
" Scolaris bene custodit capam novam : pueri quandoque infigunt tibias suas in luto et 
dicunt se esse bene calciatos". Merton College, MS. 237, f. 227V. 

2 Ordinarily the first lecture of the day seems to have come at six. Rashdall, II. 652. 

3 Jacques de Vitry, ed. Pitra, 363. 

4 Haureau, IV. 39, 248. Cf. an anonymous Minorite, MS. Lat. 15005, f. l6ov : 
" Sunt enim solliciti in cibos delectabiles, unde libenter pastillant et huiusmodi ". 

5 Eudes de Chateauroux, in Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Francaise, 463. 

6 Cf. Robert de Sorbon (MS. Lat. 15971, f. 84) : " Quando clerici diu fuerunt 
Parisius et volunt recedere, ipsi corrigunt libros suos quia extra Parisius non invenirent 
exemplaria ad corrigendum." 

7 " Dixit quidam de quibusdam fatuis scolaribus sic : In nugis sunt subtiles, in necces- 
sariis tardi et ebetes, et ne nichil fecisse videantur cum repatriaverint, de pellibus vitulinis 
cum latis spaciis magna componunt volumina eaque pellibus rubeis et pulcris vestiunt, et 
sic cum sapienti sacculo sed cum insipienti animo ad parentes redeunt. Que est ista 
scientia quam fur subripere, mus rodere, tinea demoliri, aqua delere, ignis comburere 
potest?" MS. Lat. 15971, f. 198; translated in Histoire I.itteraire, XXVI. 465. 

8 Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, in Haureau, VI. 210 ; translated in Histoire Litter- 
aire, XXVI. 392. 

9 " Quidam scolaris nobilis et iuvenis multum Parisius morans tempore vacationis 
ivit in equis suis cum magistris et familia circumquaque Parisius spaciatum et declinans 
ad quandam abbaciam Cisterciensis ordinis. . . ." MS. Tours 468, f. 75. 

24 C. H. Ha skins 

home under the burning sun 1 , many idlers remain in Paris to their 
own and the city's harm. 2 Medieval Paris, we should remember, 
was not only the incomparable " parent of the sciences ", but also a 
place of good cheer and good fellowship and varied delights 3 , a 
favorite resort not only of the studious but of country priests on a 
holiday 4 ; and it would not be strange if sometimes scholars pro- 
longed their stay unduly and lamented their departure in phrases 
which are something more than rhetorical commonplace. 

We get glimpses, too, of the troop of hangers-on who always 
thrive in a university town, bedels and servants and furnishers and 
other " emptiers of purses " 6 — like the vendors of fancy wafers 
(niulcs), who make a handsome profit by visiting the students at 
meal-times and spreading their tempting wares on the table 7 . The 
bedels are represented as imposing but ignorant persons, fond of 
good eating and drinking 8 , whose multifarious duties put them in a 
position of considerable influence and gave them many opportunities 
for acquiring money . They levied toll on the scholars for good 
seats in the lecture-halls 1 ", exacted a goodly purse at inceptions 11 , and 
for a sufficient sum were ready to glorify ignorant masters 12 . The 
well-to-do student might have a servant of his own, to carry his 
books to class 13 , etc., but ordinarily one servant seems to have sufficed 
for a number of students of more modest needs 14 . By all accounts 

1 " Ouando ego veni semel de scolis in estate, pater meus vix cognovit me, ita fui 
denigratus in via propter solera." Robert de Sorbon, MS. Lat. 15971, f. 116. 

2 Jean de Montlhery, Histoire Littlraire, XXVT. 437. 

3 Cf. Haureau, IV. 248; and the poem printed in Raynaud, Motets Francais, I. 277. 

4 See chapter 26 of the synodal statutes of Eudes de Sully, bishop of Paris, in 
Migne, Patrologia, CCXII. 66. 

5 See for example the lament of a Picard scholar published by Langlois, Revue In- 
ternationale de V ' Enseignement, XXIII. 561 ff. 

6 Jean de Garlande, Dictionarius, ed. Scheler, c. 69. Cc. 19, 30, 31, 34, and 35 
mention various tradesmen who had frequent dealings with the Paris students. 

7 " Consuetudo est in aliquibus terris, ut Parisius, quod lo neuliers qui facit nebulas 
veniet ad domum clericorum vel aliorum, et si potest intrare in hora comestionis veniet 
et proiciet nebulas per mensam et tunc dicet quod nesciret modum et consuetudines. 
Dicitur de isto homine, Quam largus est ! sed certe antequam recedat ipse pro illo debili 
encenio reportabit quod valebit in quadruple" MS. Lat. 15971, f. 155V. Cf. Jean de 
Garlande, loc. n't., c. 30. 

8 " Tales . . . similes sunt bedellis qui semper sunt in scolis sine libris et nihil ad- 
discunt nisi curias querere et bene comedere et bene bibere." Guiard de Laon, MS. 
Lat. 1 647 1, f. 248V. 

9 On the duties of bedels see particularly the Chartularium, I., No. 369. 

10 Haureau, VI. 125. 

" Chartularium, loc. cit. 

n Haureau, VI. 124. 

13 Ibid., 311 ; Pitra, Analecta Novissima, II. 363. 

h i< Mulier est quasi serviens Jpluribus scolaribus qui vix potest satisfacere, sed virgo 
cogitatque Deo sunt." Guiard de Laon, MS. Lat. 15959, *• 455 v - Cf. Berger, Regestes 
a" Innocent IV., No. 2525 ; and the next note. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 2 5 

these servants were a thieving lot, and Jacques de Vitry has a good 
story to tell of their skill in defrauding their masters. The servants, 
it appears, had a sort of chief or captain, who one day brought them 
together and began to question them as to their professional attain- 
ments. One after the other explained how he could make one, two, 
even three farthings on the penny, until the cleverest of all declared 
that he could pocket a penny for each farthing. " I buy ", he said, 
" mustard from the dealer who furnishes me the vegetables, candles, 
and so on for my masters, and every time I get mustard I set it 
down at a farthing, though I get only a quarter of a farthing's 
worth. Then, as I am a regular customer, the dealer throws in a 
fifth portion, which I also reckon at a farthing, and so I gain four 
farthings for one " 1 . 

Other aspects of every-day life are illustrated in various stories 
of the students and their doings which the preachers have preserved. 
One clerk has a dog which he calls Rose and teaches to walk on its 
fore legs ; another clerk steals it, names it Violet and teaches it to 
walk on its hind legs, so that it refuses to obey its former master 
when he claims it in the bishop's court 2 . Certain students amuse 
themselves over their dice by putting one of the dice in a cat's paws ; 
if the cat wins, they give it something to eat, if not, they kill it and 
sell its skin 3 . In another exemplum the students were playing for 
a dinner, when one of them seized a neighbor's cat which frequented 
the house, and said : " He eats here and never pays his reckoning. 
He shall play ". So they made the cat throw, and when he lost they 
tied to his neck a bill for a quart of wine and sent him home, threat- 
ening to take his skin if the owner did not pay. The owner sent 
back the cat with the money, but begged them not to force him to 
play again, as he could not count. 4 A student is drinking in his 
room with some friends, when he sees a thief under the bed. He 
asks them, "Did you give our brother there anything to drink?" 
Then they beat the thief. 5 A companion of Etienne de Bourbon is 

1 Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 87, ed. Pitra, 456 ; Etienne de Bourbon, 372 ; 
Wright, Latin Stories, 1 13 ; translated in Lecoy de la Marche, IJ Esprit de nos Aieux, 186. 

2 MS. Auxerre 35, f. 96 ; printed by Delisle in Histoire Litteraire, XXXI. 59. 

3 [acques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 8. 

4 " Clerici quidam Parisius ludebant ad talos pro quadam cena, et quidam amittens 
[MS. admittens] accepit catum cuiusdam vicini eorum stantem iuxta eos qui frequentabat 
domum, et ait, Iste ludet vobiscum qui frequenter hie comedit et nunquam solvit simbolum ; 
et ponens taxillum [MS. taxillo] intra iiii or pedes cati eum fecit proicere, et amisit. Et 
ponens cedulam ad collum eius scripsit amisisse quartam vini, quam nisi solveret pellem 
dimitteret, quod videns dominus eius ligavit peccuniam in collo cati, rogans ne compel- 
lerent eum ludere de cetero, car il ne savoit compter sa chance. ." Conipilatio singularis 
exemptorum, MS. Tours 468, f. 80. 

5 " Clerici scolares Parisius bibebant in camera unius sociorum, et vidit unum latronem 
asconditum sub lecto et ait, Dedistisne illi socio ad bibendum ? quem egregie correxerunt." 
Ibid., f. 79V. 

26 C. H. Haskins 

at vespers on Christmas eve, when a thief enters -his room and steals 
his law-books. When the student comes to use the books after the 
holidays, he cannot find them and seeks help from a necromancer, 
who accuses an innocent relative of the student. Finally the real 
thief is forced to take sanctuary in a church tower and confesses to 
the theft, giving the residence of the Jew with whom he had pawned 
the books 1 . 

The principal student festivals mentioned in the sermons are 
Saint Nicholas's day, Christmas, and inceptions. The feast of 
Saint Nicholas, the patron saint of scholars, was one of the great 
days in the student calendar. There was a mystery, in which clerks 
or maidens impersonated the saint and his miracles 2 , and then came 
feasting 3 and games and dancing and the rest 4 . Christmas eve was 
likewise made an occasion for revelry, with dicing and drinking and 
wild Bacchic processions 5 , so that some " committed more sins at 
Christmas time than during all the rest of the year "°. The incep- 
tion celebrations also fell under the displeasure of the moralists of 
the pulpit, for besides the inevitable banquet there were likely to be 
masquerades 7 and processions and round dances (chorees) 9, in the 

1 Etienne de Bourbon, 317; translated in Lecoy de la Marche, L' Esprit de nos 
Aieux, 289. 

2 Haureau, IV. 76. 

3 See the story in Etienne de Bourbon, 51, of the barber who stole a pig for the 
clerks whom he was to entertain on this day. 

4 See particularly Etienne de Besancon, in Haureau, IV. 208. The following pas- 
sage from Prevostin may be noted in this connection : " Quidam enim scolares qui stu- 
dent vimencie ad turbam vadunt Nicolaitarum, quam viri catholici semper oderunt, et 
surgunt ad vocem volucris que gallus dicitur, sed obsurdescunt in eis filie carminis". 
Sermon "in epiphania ", British Museum, Add. MS. 18335, f. J 3 V - On cock-fights 
among scholars, cf. Haureau, IV. 274 ; Lecoy de la Marche, Chaire Francaise, 452, note. 
Another game, probably also among the students of the grammar-schools, is alluded to 
in a Lenten sermon of a chancellor (Nicolas de Nonancourt ?), MS. Lat. 15952, f. 113V: 
" Sicut in ludo scolarium, gallice avoii-, dirt, et amentir" . Cf. also MS. Lat. 15959, f. 

5 " Sed ve il lis scolaribus qui vigilias bacancium et furiosorum cum tirsis et facibus 
candelarum ei [Deo] exhibent bachalia festa celebrantes." Guiard de Laon, sermon 
"in vigilia Nativitatis ", MS. Lat. 15959, f. 132. 

6 Anonymous subprior, Haureau, III. 287-288. Cf. Eudes de Chateauroux, ibid., 
VI. 209. 

7 " Sed heu ! modo non est disciplina Christi in clericis sed disciplina histrionum, 
quod patet in principiis magistrorum quando scolares diversificant se ; portant enim in 
capite signum crucis sed in corpore portant dyabolum portando vestes histrionum." John 
Peckham, Library of St. Mark's at Venice, Fondo Antico, MS. 92, f. 205. 

8 " Sicut Deus habet suam processionem in qua portantur cerei flores et crux et vexilla, 
ita dyabolus suas habet processiones, scilicet choreas et circuitus per vicos etiam de nocte. 
Fiunt enim choree cum cantilenis et floribus rosarum et violarum in capellis capitis et in 
manibus. Item circuitus fiunt per vicos cum cereis maxime a scolaribus in principiis et a 
laicis in nuptiis." Gautier de Chateau-Thierry, MS. Lat. 15955, f- 9$, col. 3. Pierre de 
Bar sur-Aube, in Haureau, VI. 243. Cf. Jacques de Vitry, in Etienne de Bourbon, ed. 
Lecoy de la Marche, 162, note. 

University of Paris in the Thirteenth Century 27 

streets and squares — the last-named form of amusement being in 
such disfavor with the church 1 and with the university authorities 
that candidates were obliged to swear that they would permit no 
chores about their houses nor suffer anything improper at their in- 
ception 2 . 

The account of Paris student life which has been thus put 
together from the sermons is not of course a rounded picture. There 
is much truth in Mark Pattison's aphorism that " history cannot be 
written from manuscripts ", and in presenting the material contained 
in a single class of sources many aspects of university life must nec- 
essarily be neglected. To the preachers the university and its mem- 
bers are primarily a theme for moralizing, and they emphasize what 
best points their moral 3 . It is not their business to tell of the orderly 
working of university institutions, the eager enthusiasm for learning, 
the wholesome routine of academic life ; they give only what suits 
their purpose, and we must be thankful for that. Furthermore, much 
of what the sermons contain on university matters is interesting 
as showing the state of mind of their authors rather than as yield- 
ing specific information, and allowance must of course be made for 
the official position of some of the preachers as well as for the pulpit 
equation in general. What the preachers set out to say is usually 
of less historical importance than what they tell us unintentionally 
and incidentally. Still, when all deductions have been made, there 
remains a substantial residuum of fact which adds materially to our 
knowledge of academic conditions in the thirteenth century and to 
our sympathetic understanding of the human background of a great 
medieval university. 

Charles H. Haskins. 

1 See the stories of demons afflicting the dancers, in Etienne de Bourbon, 161, 226, 
2 3 2 > 397 ff-i a "d Haureau, IV. 161. 

2 Chartnlarium, I., Nos. 202, 501. 

3 Cf. the observations of Langlois in Lavisse, Histoire de France, III. 2. 354. 


My subject is not English poetry or the history of English 
poetry, but the connection of English poetry with English history. 
What is poetry? Besides reason, of which the highest manifestation 
is science, man has sentiment, distinct from reason though bound 
to keep terms with it on pain of becoming nonsense, as it not very 
seldom does. Sentiment seems to imply a craving for something 
beyond our present state. Its supreme expression is verse, music of 
the mind connected with the music of the voice and ear. There is 
sentiment without verse, as in writers of fiction and orators ; as there 
is verse without sentiment, in didactic poetry, for example, which 
Lucretius redeems from prose and sweetens, as he says himself, to 
the taste by the interspersion of sentimental passages. Sentiment 
finds its fittest expression in verse. The expression in its origin is 
natural and spontaneous. Then poetry becomes an art looking out 
for subjects to express, and sometimes looking rather far afield. So 
painting and sculpture, in their origin spontaneous imitation, become 
arts looking for conceptions to embody. We are here tracing the 
indications of English sentiment and character at successive epochs 
of the national history finding their expression in poetry. 

Chaucer is the first English poet. He was preceded at least only 
by some faint awakenings of poetic life. It was in Anglo-Saxon 
that the Englishman before the Conquest chanted his song of battle 
with the Dane. It was in French that the troubadour or the 
trouvere relieved the dulness, when there was no fighting or hunting, 
in the lonely Norman hold. French was the language of the 
Plantagenets, even of Edward I, that truly English king. At last 
the English language rose from its serfdom shattered, adulterated, 
deprived of its inflections, its cognates, and its power of forming 
compound words, unsuited for philosophy or science, the terms for 
which it has to borrow from the Greek, but rich, apt for general 
literature, for eloquence, for song. Chaucer is the most joyous of 
poets. His strain is glad as that of the skylark which soars from 
the dewy mead to pour forth its joyance in the fresh morning 
air. He is at the same time thoroughly redolent of his age. In the 
Knight of the " Prologue " and in the tale of " Palamon and Arcite " 
we have that fantastic outburst of a posthumous and artificial chivalry 
of which Froissart is the chronicler, which gave birth to the Order of 


English Poetry and EnglisJi History 29 

the Garter and a number of similar fraternities with fanciful names 
and rules, and after playing strange and too often sanguinary pranks, 
as in the wicked wars with France, found its immortal satirist in the 
author of Don Quixote. In the sporting Monk, the sensual and 
knavish Friar, the corrupt Sompnour, the Pardoner with his pig's 
bones shown for relics, we have the Catholic church of the middle 
ages with its once ascetic priesthood and orders, its spiritual character 
lost, sunk in worldliness, sensuality, and covetousness, calling aloud 
for Wycliffe. At the same time in the beautiful portrait of the Good 
Parson we have a picture of genuine religion and an earnest of 
reform. Here Chaucer holds out a hand to Piers Ploughman, the 
poet-preacher of reform, social and religious, if poet he can be called 
who is the roughest of metrical pamphleteers. Chaucer's Good 
Parson is a figure in itself and in its connection with the history of 
opinion not unlike Rousseau's " Vicaire Savoyard ". Close at hand 
is Wycliffe, and behind Wycliffe come John Ball and the terrible 
insurrection of the serfs. Chaucer's debt to Boccaccio and the Italian 
Renaissance is manifest ; yet he is English and a perfect mirror of the 
England of his time. 

There was at the same time an exuberance of national life which 
gave birth to ballad poetry. The English ballads as a class are no 
doubt inferior to the Scotch. Yet there is at least one English 
ballad of surpassing beauty. How can any collection of English 
poetry be thought complete without the ballad of " The Nut-Brown 

There follows an age unpropitious to poetry and all gentle arts. 
The glorious filibustering of Edward III and afterward of Henry 
V in France brings its punishment in a general prevalence at home 
of the spirit of violence, cruelty, and rapine. This, combined with 
aristocratic ambition and faction, plunges the country into the Wars 
of the Roses. At last the Tudor despotism brings calm after its 
kind. Helm and hauberk are changed by the court nobility for the 
weeds of peace, and toward the close of the reign of Henry VIII we 
have the twin poets Wyatt and Surrey ; Surrey, the last of the 
tyrant's victims, produces poetry which makes him worthy to rank 
as a harbinger of the Elizabethan era. 

The times of the Protectorate and of the Marian Reaction were 
dark and troublous, uncongenial to poetry. But clear enough is 
the connection between the springtide of national life in the Eliza- 
bethan era, and the outburst of intellectual activity, of poetry gen- 
erally and especially of the drama. The worst of the storms were 
over. The government was firm ; the religious question had been 

30 Goldwin Smith 

settled after a fashion ; the energies which had been ill-spent in 
civil war or marauding on France were turned to maritime adven- 
ture of the most romantic kind, or if to war, to a war of national 
defense combined with championship of European freedom. There 
was everything to excite and stimulate without any feeling of in- 

The next great poem after Chaucer is Spenser's " Faerie 
Queene ", and it is intimately connected with English history. It 
presents in allegory the struggle of Protestantism, headed by Eng- 
land, with Catholicism, and embodies that new Protestant chivalry 
which arose in place of the chivalry of the middle ages, of which Sir 
Philip Sydney was the model knight, and of which perhaps we see 
the lingering trace in Fairfax, the general of the Commonwealth, a 
kinsman of the Fairfax who translated Tasso. The leading char- 
acters of the struggle, Elizabeth, the Pope, Mary Queen of Scots, and 
Philip of Spain, under thin disguises, are all there. Artegal, the 
Knight of Justice, and Spenser's model of righteousness in its conflict 
with evil, is the Puritan Lord Grey of Wilton, the stern, ruthless 
Lord Deputy of Ireland, whose policy was extermination. Spenser 
was Lord Grey's secretary and no doubt accompanied him to the 
scene of his merciless government. There Spenser would come into 
contact with Catholicism in its lowest and coarsest as well as in its 
most intensely hostile form. Afterward a grantee of an estate in 
land conquered from the Irish insurgents, he was brought into 
personal conflict with the Blatant Beast. He was intimate with 
Raleigh and other militant and buccaneering heroes of the Pro- 
testantism of the day. In " The Shepherd's Calendar " he shows 
by his avowal of sympathy with old Archbishop Grindal, under the 
faint disguise of " Old Allgrind ", who was in disgrace for counten- 
ancing the Puritans, that he belonged to the Puritan section of the 
divided Anglican church. Fulsome and mendacious flattery of the 
woman who has been allowed to give her name to this glorious age 
is an unpleasant feature of Spenser's work, as it is of the other works 
and was of the court society of that time. It is perhaps pardonable, 
if in any case, in that of a poet who would not be taken or expect 
to be taken at his word. 

In the drama we expect to find rather gratification of the general 
love of action and excitement, and of curiosity about the doings of 
the great, prevalent among the people, than anything more distinctly 
connected with the events and politics of the day. 

Shakespeare himself is too thoroughly dramatic to reflect the 
controversies of his time. Like all those about him he is Royalist, 
conforms to court sentiment, and pays his homage to the Virgin 

English Poetry and English History 31 

Queen. Probably he pays it also to her learned successor under the 
name of Prospero in " The Tempest ". Raleigh treats the Great 
Charter as a democratic aggression on the rights of royalty. Shakes- 
peare in " King John " does not allude to the Great Charter or to 
anything connected with it. In " Coriolanus " and in " Troilus and 
Cressida " there is strong antidemocratic sentiment, dramatic no 
doubt, but also with a personal ring. It is notable that Shakespeare 
nowhere alludes to the great struggle with Spain. But here again 
he is probably in unison with the court, which though forced 
into the conflict, was not heartily anti-Spanish and certainly not 
anti-despotic. In religion Shakespeare was a Conformist. He 
quizzes Nonconformists, both Papist and Puritan ; but probably he 
did no more than conform. When he touches on the mystery of 
existence and on the other world, as in the soliloquy in " Hamlet " 
and in " Measure for Measure ", it is hardly in a tone of orthodox 
belief. In the flower-market at Rome, not very far from the shrine 
of Ignatius Loyola, now stands the statue of Giordano Bruno, with 
an inscription saying that on the spot where Bruno was burned this 
statue was erected to him by the age which he foresaw. Bruno 
visited England in Shakespeare's time, and was there the center of 
an intellectual circle which sat with closed doors. Was Shakespeare 
perchance one of that circle? 

Though not political in any party sense, Shakespeare is full of 
the national and patriotic spirit evoked by the circumstances of his 
time. He shows this in the battle scene of " Henry V ". He shows 
it in the speech of the Bastard of Falconbridge in " King John ", 
which is at the same time a complete confutation of the theory that 
Shakespeare was a Catholic, for no dramatic motive could have 
sufficed to call forth or excuse such an affront to his own church. 

No person of sense, it may be presumed, doubts that Shakespeare 
wrote his own plays. Greene and Ben Jonson and Charles I and 
Milton thought he did. But, say the Baconians, how came a yeo- 
man's son, brought up among bumpkins, and educated at a country 
grammar-school, to acquire that imperial knowledge of human nature 
in all its varieties and ranks? This is the one strong point in their 
case. But Shakespeare, in London, got into an intellectual set. 
Several of his brother playwrights were university men. The sub- 
ject of the " Sonnets " was evidently not vulgar. But much may be 
explained by sheer genius. Among poets, two are preeminent ; one 
lived in the meridian light and amidst the abounding culture of the 
Elizabethan era ; the other in the very dawn of civilization, as some 
think before the invention of writing, sang, a wandering minstrel, 
in rude ^Eolian or Ionian halls, and the influence of Homer on the 

3 2 Goldwin Smith 

world's imagination, though less deep, has been wider than that of 
Shakespeare. Shakespeare, though peerless, was not alone ; perhaps 
he would not even have been peerless had Marlowe lived and worked, 
for in the last scenes of " Faust " and " Edward II " Marlowe rises 
to the Shakespearian height. The thoroughly national and popular 
character of the English drama is emphasized by contrast with the 
court drama of France. Unfortunately, it also shows itself in occa- 
sional adaptations to coarse tastes from which the divine Shakes- 
peare is not free. 

The remarkable connection of literary and poetic life with the 
life of action and adventure which marks the Elizabethan era is seen 
especially in the works of Sydney and Raleigh. The close of the era 
is pathetically marked by the death song of Raleigh. The Laudian 
reaction has its religious poets, George Herbert, Yaughan, and 
Wither ; the best of whom in every sense was George Herbert, his 
quaint and mystical style notwithstanding. George Herbert was the 
poetic ancestor of the author of " The Christian Year ". One who 
spent a day with Keble in his Hampshire vicarage might feel that he 
had been in the society of George Herbert. In its general character 
and productions the Catholic reaction in the Anglican church at the 
present day is as nearly as possible a repetition of that of the seven- 
teenth century, and its ultimate tendency is the same. The only dif- 
ferences are that the poetry of the present movement has not the 
quaintness or the conceits of that of the Laudian bards and that its 
architecture is a revival of the medieval Gothic, whereas that of the 
Laudians was Palladian. 

The political side of the reaction also produced its poetry, very 
unlike that of the religious side, poetry written by Cavaliers — 

" Our careless heads with roses bound 
Our hearts with loyal flames." 

Of this school Lovelace was the best, though it was Montrose 
that wrote the famous lines 

" I could not love thee, dear, so much, 
Lov'd I not honour more." 

On the Puritan side comes one greater than all the Laudians and 
Cavaliers. Nothing else in poetry equals the sublimity of the first six 
books of " Paradise Lost ". Their weak point is theological, not 
poetic. The hero of the piece and the object of our involuntary 
admiration and sympathy is the undaunted and all-daring majesty of 
evil. In Milton classic fancy, the culture of the Renaissance, and 

English Poetry and English History 33 

even a touch of medieval romance were blended with the spiritual 
aspiration of the Puritan. 

" But let my due feet never fail 
To walk the studious cloysters pale, 
And love the high embowered roof, 
With antic pillars massy proof 
And storied windows richly dight 
Casting a dim religious light." 

The most classic things in our language are the " Comus " and 
the " Samson Agonistes " ; but " Paradise Lost " and " Paradise 
Regained " are also cast in a classical mold. 

A noble monument of the Puritan movement, though of its polit- 
ical rather than of its religious element, is Marvell's ode to Crom- 
well. Again we see the influence of the classics, which was not 
only literary but political and entered henceforth deeply into the 
political character of England. 

The counterblast of Royalism to " Paradise Lost " was Butler's 
" Hudibras ", the delight of Charles II and his courtiers, whose 
mental elevation may be measured thereby. It is a very poor travesty 
in verse of Don Quixote, with a Presbyterian Roundhead in place 
of the Don. Its principal if not its sole merits are the smart sayings 
of which it is a mine and its ingenious rhymes. There follows the 
riotous reaction of the flesh after the reign of the too-high soaring 
spirit under " our most religious and gracious King Charles II ", as 
the Act of Parliament styles him. The poetry and drama native 
to that era are in keeping with the social life of the time and con- 
genial to the seraglio of Whitehall. The poetry was in fact largely 
the work of the court set of debauchees. Dryden and Waller were 
originally the offspring of the bygone era and craftsmen of a higher 
and purer art. Both of them had written eulogies on the Pro- 
tector. But if spiritual life was at a low ebb, the tide of political 
life was running high. It presently took the shape of a fierce and in 
the end sanguinary conflict between the two parties known afterward 
as Whigs and Tories. Dryden's " Absalom and Achitophel " is the 
offspring of that conflict. It is about the best political satire ever 
written, and its excellence depends largely on its dignity and modera- 
tion ; for while Shaftesbury is politically the object of attack, his 
judicial merits are recognized, in fact greatly overrated, and the 
portraiture is true. The next episode in English politics, the attempt 
of James II to make himself absolute and force his religion on the 
nation, is likewise mirrored in Dryden's verse. The poet became a 
sudden convert, let us hope not wholly from mercenary motives, 
to the court religion, and we have a singular monument of his con- 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 2. 

34 Gold/win Smith 

version in " The Hind and the Panther ", wherein one beast strives 
by a long argument in verse to persuade another beast to rest its 
religious faith on a pope and council. Hallam, however, is right 
in remarking that Dryden's special gift is the power of reasoning 
in verse. 

We have now come to a period in which poetry most distinctly 
wears the character of an art. It is the period between the English 
Revolution and the premonitory rumblings of the great social and 
political earthquake which shook Europe at the end of the eigh- 
teenth century ; a period of comparative calm and, generally speaking, 
of spiritual torpor, the Church of England dozing comfortably over 
her pluralities and tithes. Dryden, Pope, and Addison are not the 
first poets of this class ; before them had been Waller, Denham, and 
others of whom it might clearly be said that, feeling in themselves a 
certain poetic faculty, they cultivated it for its own sake and for 
the praise or emolument which it brought them. Their characteristic 
is skill in composition rather than height of aspiration or intensity 
of emotion. The greatest of them are Dryden and Pope, though 
Dryden was a child of the Puritan era. The most consummate 
artificer of all is Pope. Nothing in its way excels " The Rape of 
the Lock ", or indeed in its way the translation of the Iliad, little 
Homeric as the translation is. In the " Essay on Man " however and 
' The Universal Prayer ", which is the hymn of a free-thinker, we 
meet with the sceptical philosophy which was undermining the found- 
ations of religious faith and preparing the way for the great polit- 
ical revolution. The inspiration is that of Pope's friend and philo- 
sophic mentor, the Voltairean Bolingbroke. Pope reflects the 
fashionable sentiment of the time, which in English or in Parisian 
salons was a light scepticism, as Horace Walpole's writings show. 
In a more marked and truly astounding form does the growing 
scepticism present itself in that tremendous poem. Swift's " Day 
of Judgement ". How must Voltaire have chuckled when he got 
into his hands lines written by a dignitary of the Anglican establish- 
ment and making the Creator of the Universe proclaim to his ex- 
pectant creatures that all was a delusion and a farce ! It is needless 
to say that Swift's works generally, including his verses, poems they 
can hardly be called, speak of the irreligious priest and the coming 
of a sceptical age. 

Few now look into the minor poets of those times or read John- 
son's criticism of them, the robust criticism of an unsentimental and 
unromantic school. Yet there is a certain pleasure in the feeling 
of restfulness produced by the total absence of strain. Their poetry 
marks the same era which is marked by Paley's theology and philoso- 

English Poetry and English History 35 

phy, an era of calm before a great convulsion. In Gray and Collins 
we feel the growing influence of sentiment, which is one, though the 
mildest, of the premonitory signs of change. In Goldsmith's " De- 
serted Milage " the social sentiment is mildly democratic. 

The stream of European history is now approaching the great 
cataract. In England, notwithstanding Wilkes and Barre, there is 
no serious tendency toward political revolution. The movement 
there rather takes the form of religious revival, Methodism, evan- 
gelicism, social reform, and philanthropic effort. But if England 
had any counterpart to Rousseau, it was in Cowper, through whose 
" Table-Talk" with its companion essays in verse there runs a mild 
vein of social revolution. Nor did Cowper look with dismay or 
horror on the early stages of the Revolution in France. He speaks 
very calmly of the storming of the Bastile. He showed a distant 
sympathy with Burns, whose democratic sentiment 

; A man's a man for a' that : 


has been not the least of the sources of his immense popularity, 
though by his own confession he was willing to go to the West 
Indies as a slave-driver. We may recognize Burns as one of the 
foremost in the second class of poets, unsurpassed in his own line, 
without allowing ourselves to have his character thrust upon our 
sympathy. The union of high-poetic sensibility with what is low 
in character has been seen not in Burns only, but in Byron, in Edgar 
Poe, and in many others. If we are to pay homage to such a char- 
acter as that of Burns because he was a great Scotch poet, why 
should we pay it to that paragon of pure-minded and noble-hearted 
gentlemen, Walter Scott? 

The European crisis prepared by the teachings of Voltaire, Rous- 
seau, and the Encyclopedists, combined with the decay of institutions 
and the accumulation of political abuses and ecclesiastical insinceri- 
ties, had now come. It came unfortunately in an eminently excitable 
and impulsive nation, full of the vanity which Talleyrand notes as 
predominant in the Revolution. For some time, in spite of the 
weakness of the king, the meddlesome folly of the queen, and 
the demagogic eloquence of Mirabeau, fatally repelling the indis- 
pensable cooperation of the court with the Assembly, matters 
went pretty well. But at last, through a series of disastrous acci- 
dents and blunders, the Revolution fell into the hands of the vile 
mob of Paris and its Terrorist chiefs. Nobody could be blamed for 
being hopeful and sympathetic at first or despondent and dispirited 
after the September massacres. 

36 Goldwin Smith 

Poetic natures, such as those of Coleridge, Wordsworth, and 
Southey, at first were naturally fired with enthusiasm and hope. 

" O pleasant exercise of hope and joy ! 
For mighty were the auxiliars which then stood 
Upon our side, we who were strong in love ! 
Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, 
But to be young was very heaven ! — O times 
In which the meagre, stale, forbidding ways 
Of custom, law, and statute, took at once 
The attraction of a country in romance ! 
When Reason seemed the most to assert her rights, 
When most intent on making of herself 
A prime Enchantress — to assist the work, 
Which then was going forward in her name.'' 

In Coleridge, the great Pantisocrat, rather curiously, the recoil 
seems to have come first. Before Wordsworth and Southey, he had 
discovered that 

" The Sensual and the Dark rebel in vain, 

Slaves by their own compulsion ! In mad game 
They burst their manacles and wear the name 
Of Freedom, graven on a heavier chain ! " 

He presently became a most philosophic hierophant of orthodox 
politics and of the doctrine of the established church. In his pecu- 
liar way, in fact, he may be said to be about the greatest of Anglican 
divines. Wordsworth, it is needless to say, presently shared the 
recoil. The spirit of his poetry, whenever he touches on institutions, 
civil or religious, is thoroughly conservative. On the other hand, 
neither of these two men can be said to have turned Tory. They 
simply fell back on attachment to the national polity and principles. 
The French Revolution had ended naturally by giving birth to a 
military despot and conqueror, the struggle against whom was a 
strugle for the liberty of all nations. Southey became more decidedly 
Tory, and though he was one of the best and most amiable of men, 
drew upon himself Whig hatred and abuse. He lives chiefly by his 
Life of Nelson. Yet he is no mean poet. " The Curse of Kehama " 
is a splendid piece, full of the gorgeous imagery and the fantastic 
mythology of the East. Kehama, the impious rajah, whose career 
of insatiable ambition, after conquering earth and storming heaven, 
ends in his plucking on himself a miserable doom, is evidently Na- 
poleon, whom as the arch-enemy of his kind, Southey regarded with 
the intense and righteous detestation, vented in the spirited ode on 
the negotiations with Bonaparte. 

On the other side, we have in different lines Byron, Shelley, and 
Tom Moore. Keats may perhaps be regarded as one of the circle, 
though he wrote nothing distinctly in that sense. Byron is perhaps 

English Poetry and EnglisJi History $7 

more European than English. He left England at an early age, 
and though he revisited it did not settle, but spent the rest of his life 
mainly in Italy. Still more was he idiosyncratic. The self-pres- 
entation and self-worship which fill his poems are unparalleled, and 
considering the character of the man who thus pours out upon us his 
lacerated feelings and sentimental woes, one finds it difficult now to 
read the first cantos at all events of " Childe Harold " with much 
respect or pleasure. But the novelty of Byronism, its attractions for 
weak egotism, and the poetic dress which the writer's unquestionable 
genius gave it, helped perhaps in some measure by his rank and his 
personal beauty, made it the rage of the hour. As an Englishman, 
Byron was not a political revolutionist; in fact he always remained 
an aristocrat ; but he was a social iconoclast. His great work, as 
his admirers probably say with truth, is " Don Juan ", with its 
affected cynicism and unaffected lubricity. Macaulay sneers at 
British morality for its condemnation of Byron. British morality 
may be prudish, fitful, and sometimes hollow. But it has guarded 
the family and all that depends thereon, as Byron had good reason 
to know. Italian morality, however poetic, did not. 

The connection of Shelley is rather with European history than 
with the history of England, though he could not shake himself free 
from the influences, attractive and repulsive, of his birthplace. His 
interest in the French Revolution is proclaimed in the opening of 
" The Revolt of Islam " and makes itself felt generally through the 
poem. A revolutionist Shelley was with a vengeance in every line, 
religious, political, social, moral, matrimonial, and even dietetic, 
wanting us to be vegetarians and marry our sisters. He was in fact 
an anarchist, though as far as possible from being a dynamiter; 
resembling the gentle Kropotkin of our day, who believes that we 
should all be good and happy if we would only do away with the 
police. It is curious to see the story of Prometheus, the great rebel 
against the tyrant of the universe, half written by yEschylus and 
finished in the same spirit, after the lapse of all those centuries, by 
Shelley. An Anglican college could not in those days help expelling 
a rampant propagator of atheism, though it has now adopted his 
memory and built him a strange and incongruous shrine within its 
courts. Xor could Eldon, as the legal guardian of the interests of 
Shelley's children, have left them in the hands of a father who would 
have brought them up to social ruin. Shelley, however, like Rous- 
seau, was cosmopolitan. He withdrew from English citizenship to 
spend the rest of his days in Italy. Moreover, he was a being as 
intensely poetic and as little allied to earth in any way as his own 
skylark. He is not the first of poets in mental power, but he is, it 

38 Goldwin Smith 

seems to me, the most purely and intensely poetic. What could lead 
my friend Matthew Arnold to disrate Shelley's poetry and put it 
below his letters, I never could understand. " A beautiful but inef- 
fectual angel, beating in the void his luminous wings in vain " ; such 
was Arnold's description of Shelley, and true it is that so far as any 
practical results of his poetic preaching were concerned, the angel did 
beat his wings in vain; but if he was luminous and beautiful, he 
fulfilled the idea of a poet. 

Tom Moore clearly belongs to the history of his age. He is the 
bard of the Whigs in their fight with the Tory government, and 
of his native Ireland, then struggling for emancipation. He is a 
thorough Irishman with all the lightness and brilliancy of his race, 
with all its fun and with all its pathos. The pathos we have in 
" Paradise and the Peri ", as well as in " Irish Melodies ". The fun 
takes largely the form of political satire. Very good the satire is, 
though like almost all satire and caricature, it loses a part of its 
pungency by lapse of time. To enjoy it thoroughly you must have 
lived at least near to the days of the Regency, Eldon, Castlereagh, 
and Sidmouth. 

On the other side we have Walter Scott. When he is named we 
think of the incomparable writer of fiction rather than of the poet. 
Yet surely the writer of " Marmion ", of the introduction to " Mar- 
mion ", and of the lyrical pieces interspersed in the tales, deserves a 
place, and a high place, among poets. Is not " Marmion " a noble 
piece and the most truly epic thing in our language, besides being 
most interesting as a tale? Scott is claimed politically and ecclesiasti- 
cally by the party of reaction. It is said that he turned the eyes of 
his generation back from the sceptical and revolutionary present to 
the reverent and chivalrous past. He has even been cited as the 
harbinger of Ritualism. The romance, of which he was the wizard, 
certainly instils love of the past. So far he did belong to the reaction. 
But his motive was never political or ecclesiastical. Of ecclesiastic- 
ism there was nothing about him. He delighted in ruined abbeys, 
but a boon companion was to him " worth all the Bernardan brood 
who ever wore frock or hood ". A Tory, and an ardent Tory, he was. 
An intense patriot he was in the struggle with revolutionary France 
and her emperor. A worshiper of monarchy he was, devout enough 
to adore George IV, but he was above all things a great artist, per- 
fectly impartial in his choice of subjects for his art. Welcome alike 
to him were Tory and Whig, Cavalier and Roundhead, Jacobite and 
Covenanter, if they could furnish him with character. Happily for 
his readers, he never preaches, as some novelists do ; yet we learn 
from him historical toleration and breadth of view, while we are 

English Poetry and English History 39 

always imbibing the sentiments of a genial, high-minded, and alto- 
gether noble gentleman. 

We must not forget Crabbe, who though as far as possible from 
being revolutionary, perhaps instils a slightly democratic sentiment 
by cultivating our social interest in the poor. Ebenezer Elliott, the 
author of the " Corn-Law Rhymes " and no mean poet, is a bard of 
the liberal movement and especially of free trade. Unless he was 
greatly mistaken, there can be no doubt about the source of industrial 
misery in his day. 

Tennyson has been called a great teacher. The name is inappro- 
priate, as any one who had known the man would feel. He was one 
of the greatest of poets, almost unrivaled in beauty of language and 
in melody. But he had nothing definite to teach. With fixed opin- 
ions he could not have been so perfectly as he was the mirror of 
intellectual society in his age. " There is more faith in honest doubt 
than in half the creeds." " There's something in this world amiss 
will be unriddled by and by." That was his mental attitude, and it 
was perfectly characteristic of a time in which old beliefs were pass- 
ing away and new beliefs had not yet been formed ; an age of vague 
spiritual hopes and yearnings, such as. glimmer in " In Memoriam " 
and wherever Tennyson touches the subjects of God and religion 
and the mystery of being. In this sense his poetry is a chapter in the 
general history of the English mind. We see at the same time in 
his poems the advance of science, to which with consummate art he 
lends a poetic form. The revolt of woman is playfully treated in 
" The Princess ". Reaction against the prevalent commercialism and 
materialism finds expression in the chivalrous " Idylls of the King ". 
Tennyson is intensely patriotic and even militarist, though a man 
could not be imagined less likely to be found on a field of battle. In 
this also he represents an eddy in the current of national sentiment. 
In the well-known passage in " Maud " welcoming the Crimean War 
he thoroughly identified himself with English history, though he 
lived, like Lord Salisbury, to find that he had laid his money on the 
wrong horse. 

The names of Aubrey de Vere and Frederick Taber on one side, 
those of Swinburne and Mrs. Barrett Browning on the other, show 
that English poetry has been lending its lyre to the expression of all 
the different sentiments, ecclesiastical, political, and social, of an age 
full of life and conflict. But the connection is rather with European 
than with English history. Matthew Arnold is the arch-connoisseur 
and general censor, appreciating all varieties and regulating them 
by his taste rather than connecting himself with anything national or 
special, unless it be the spirit of free thought which was consuming 

40 Goldivin Smith 

England in his day. His poetry is simply high art. Of Browning 
I fear to speak. His characteristic poems do not give me pleasure of 
that sort which it is supposed to be the special function of poetry to 
give. He is a philosopher in verse with Browning societies to inter- 
pret his philosophy. He, again, symbolizes the general tendencies of 
an age, rather than any special period or phase of English history. 

We seem now to have come to a break in the life of poetry in 
England and elsewhere ; let us hope not to its close. There are good 
writers, Mr. Watson, for example. Swinburne with his revolu- 
tionary fervor is still with us. Edwin Arnold with his singular com- 
mand of luscious language has only just left us. But neither in 
England nor anywhere else does there appear to be a great poet. 
Imagination has taken refuge in the novels, of which there is a deluge, 
though among them, George Eliot in her peculiar line excepted, there 
is not the rival of Miss Austen, Walter Scott, Thackeray, or Dickens. 
The phenomenon appears to be common to Europe in general. Is 
science killing poetic feeling? Darwin owns that he had entirely 
lost all taste for poetry, and not only for poetry but for anything 
esthetic. Yet Tennyson seems to have shown that science itself 
has a sentiment of its own and one capable of poetic presentation. 
Ours is manifestly an age of transition. Of what it is the precursor 
an old man is not likely to see. 

Goldwin Smith. 


The voyages of the Florentine Amerigo Vespucci belong rather 
to the literary than to the geographical history of the New World. 
An acute observer of things new and strange and a clever writer, he 
became, through the publication of his letters in the countries beyond 
the Pyrenees, the principal source of information about the western 
Indies. In these narratives he made himself the central personality ; 
in not one of them did he mention the name of the commander under 
whom he sailed, and consequently the impression easily gained 
ground that he was a discoverer. His place in the history of the 
discoveries is the most remarkable illustration of eternal celebrity 
won through a happy combination of the literary gift and self- 
advertisement, with the cooperation of the printing-press. 

Amerigo Vespucci, generally known to the English world under 
a Latinized form of his name, Americus Vespucius, was born in 
Florence March 9, 1452, where he lived until some forty years of 
age. 1 He entered business life, became connected with the mer- 
cantile house of the Medici, and in 1492 went to Seville, in Spain, as 
its foreign agent. He first appears in the Spanish documents as em- 
ployed in carrying out the contracts of an Italian merchant, Berardi, 
engaged in equipping vessels for the government for the service to 
the Indies. He apparently continued in this business as a contractor 
till 1499, 2 wnen the vicissitudes of business life finally led him to 
desire something more " stable and praiseworthy ". He then re- 
solved to " see . . . the world ", and availed himself of the oppor- 
tunity to join an expedition of four ships which was going out to 
discover new lands toward the west. 3 

It is at this point that the first puzzle in Vespucci's career or his 
character is met with. He says explicitly that the expedition sailed 
from Cadiz May 10, 1497; but there is no record, official or unofficial, 
outside of his letter, of such a voyage in 1497. Further, Columbus's 
monopoly privileges were solemnly renewed April 23 of this year, 
and the earlier authorization of independent voyages was officially 

1 Luigi Hugues, in the Raccolta Colombiana (6 parts in 14 vols., Rome, 1892-1J 
Part V, vol. 2, 115. 

2 Ibid., 117. 

3 Vespucci's letter to Soderini, C. R. Markham, Letters of Amerigo Vespucci 
(Hakluyt Society, London, 1 894), 3. 


42 E. G. Bourne 

revoked June 2. 1 That these formal recognitions of Columbus's 
privileges should be flagrantly violated by the crown while the 
admiral was in Spain is hardly conceivable. It is, then, the accepted 
conclusion of very nearly all competent scholars that Vespucci's first 
voyage was made in 1499 with Hojeda. We have Hojeda's own 
statement under oath, in the Diego Columbus suit for his privileges, 
that Vespucci was with him, 2 and we also have sworn statements that 
Hojeda's was the first exploration of the northern coast of South 
America, which was the region visited by Vespucci in his first voy- 
age. 3 Vespucci's narrative harmonizes in a number of minor details 
with what we know of the voyage of Hojeda. 

The attempt was made by the Brazilian scholar Varnhagen, whose 
views are familiar to English readers from John Fiske's enthusiastic 
adoption of them, 4 to show that Vespucci's voyage was really 
directed to the coast of Honduras and the shores of the Gulf of 
Mexico. In the Latin translation of the Soderini letter describing 
the four voyages, the first is said to have been along the coast of 
Parias, the region where Columbus approached the continent of 
South America on his third voyage in 1498 ; while in the original 
Italian the name " Lariab " is given to the region, a name not else- 
where found. This is ordinarily explained as a misprint, but Varn- 
hagen argued that it was correct and that it meant Honduras. This 
conjecture he based on the statements of the historians Gomara and 
Oviedo, who, writing, one a generation, the other two generations 
later, asserted that Vicente Yahez Pinzon discovered Honduras be- 
fore the fourth voyage of Columbus. 5 The most probable year for 
this voyage of Pinzon Varnhagen thought to be 1497, which would 
harmonize then with Vespucci's narrative of an expedition in that 
year. But the historian Herrera states that Pinzon's voyage to 
Honduras was in 1506. 6 This assertion Mr. Fiske tried to break 
down by characterizing it as " the single unsupported statement of 
Antonio de Herrera, whose great work was published in 1601 ". 
Unfortunately for this argument, Herrera copied this assertion from 
Las Casas, who was a contemporary and who was living in the 

1 Navarrete, Coleccion de los Via^es y Deseubrimientos (5 vols., Madrid, 1825- 
1837), II, 214, 219. 

i IMd., Ill, 544; in English, in Markham, Letters, 30. 

3 Hojeda's testimony is in note 5; see also Navarrete, III, 558, 586, 590. The 
testimony on 558 is in Markham, Letters, 109. 

4 Varnhagen's view is also presented by Thacher, 77/,? Continent of America (New 
York, 1896), and by Gaffarel, Ilistoire de la Decoaverte de P Amerique (2 vols., Paris, 
1892), II, 163. 

5 See Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 70. 

6 LLislofia, dec. I, lib. vi, ch. xvii ; the passage is given in Fiske, II, 66. 

The Naming of America 43 

Indies at the time. Las Casas does not give the year, but explicitly 
asserts that Pinzon's voyage was undertaken when the news came 
of what Columbus had discovered on his fourth voyage. 1 Not less 
explicit is the assertion of Ferdinand Columbus that the voyage of 
Pinzon and Solis took place in i5o8. 3 Still again, Peter Martyr 
dates the voyage the year before that of Nicuessa (1509). 3 

In view, then, of the restoration of Columbus's monopoly privi- 
leges, of the absence of any recorded voyage in 1497, and of the 
evidence that the Pinzon-Solis voyage occurred later than 1504, the 
conclusion is well-nigh as positive and confident as it is almost 
universally accepted to-day that Vespucci made no voyage in 1497 
such as he ascribes to himself, and that consequently he was not the 
first discoverer of the mainland of South America as he appeared to 
be from the widely circulated Latin edition of the Soderini letter, nor 
of the coast of Honduras as was first suggested by Varnhagen not 
forty years ago. 

Vespucci's first voyage, then, was made in 1499 under Hojeda. 
His second, so far as can be ascertained, was made immediately upon 
his return from the first (it being supposed that he did not tarry in 
Espanola, as did Hojeda J with Diego de Lepe in 1500, when the 
westward trend of the coast of South America below eight degrees 
south latitude was discovered. 4 Vespucci's third voyage was made 
with a Portuguese captain in 1501, who was despatched to explore 
the lands just discovered by Cabral. This expedition ran down the 
coast of Brazil to the thirty-second degree parallel, then veered off 
through the south Atlantic until the fifty-second degree was reached, 
the highest southern latitude attained up to this time. 5 After a fierce 
storm, land was discovered, which is identified with the island of 
South Georgia. Vespucci's fourth voyage in 1503 was undertaken 
with "' the intention of discovering an island in the East called Me- 
laccha, of which it was reported that it was very rich, and that it was 
the mart of all the ships that navigate the Gangetic and Indian 
Seas ". 6 This project of the king of Portugal was based on the 
reports brought back by Cabral from Calicut in 1501. It was, there- 
fore, a renewed effort to carry out the original design of Columbus, 
which was not destined to be actually accomplished until the time 
of Magellan. The details of the history of this expedition corre- 

1 Las Casas, Historic/, de las Indias (5 vols., Madrid, 1875-1876), III, 200, 201. 

2 Historic, 290 (ch. 89 in original edition). 

3 De rebus oceanicis et novo orbe, dec. II, ch. vii (p. 181 of the edition of 1574). 
1 Hugues, Cronologia delle S operte e delle Esplorazioni Geografiche ( Milan, 1903), 7. 

5 Ibid., 9. 

6 Markham, Letters, 52-53. 

44 E. G. Bourne 

spend to what the historian Goes tells us of the voyage of Coelho, 
who went over in part the same ground as that of 1501, without 
however, going beyond sixteen degrees south latitude. 1 

Of neither of these voyages was Vespucci the initiator, but accord- 
ing to his own account the first expedition on the return was in- 
trusted to his command and in the second he was a captain. His 
name, however, is not to be found in the contemporary Portuguese 
histories nor in the vast mass of documents in the archives of Portu- 
gal relating to the discoveries. 2 If his two private letters to friends 
had not been published in Latin, instead of having the New World 
called after him, his name would have been known to us only as 
that of a map-maker and as the official examiner of pilots in Spain. 3 

Turning now to the products of his pen which wrought the 
seeming miracle, those whose authenticity is accepted consist first 
of a letter written to Lorenzo Piero Francesco de' Medici from 
Lisbon, in March or April, 1503, describing his third voyage, 1501, 
and a longer letter written also from Lisbon, in September, 1504, to 
his old school friend Pietro Soderini, of Florence, at that time gon- 
faloniere of the republic. This letter describes all four of the voy- 
ages. The original of the first or Medici letter is lost, but it was 
translated into Latin and published late in 1503 or early in 1504 
under the title " Mundus Novus ". 5 The longer letter to Soderini 
was published at Florence in 1505. It dropped out of sight, and 
only five copies are known to be extant. A French version of it, 
prepared for Rene II, duke of Lorraine, was translated into Latin 
and published in 1507 as an appendix to the Cosmo grapliice Intro- 
ductio of Martin Waldseemiiller, a professor of geography in the 
College of Saint Die, in Lorraine. 

These letters are full of details of the strange aspects of nature 
and of man in the new regions. They have a confidential and per- 
sonal note, perhaps not unnatural in a private correspondence, which 
at times rises from self-importance to self-exaltation. In variety of 
matter they surpass Columbus's letters about his first voyage and 
relate of course to a different field of exploration. In considering 
their extraordinary popularity, it is to be remembered that Colum- 
bus's own account of his third voyage, when he discovered the main- 
land of South America, was not printed till the nineteenth century ; 
nor was any description of it printed until 1504 when one appeared 
in the little Venetian collection of voyages entitled Libretto de Tutta 

1 Hugues, Cronologia , 12. Yet cf. Markham, Letters, introduction, xliii. 
2 Santarem, in Navarrete, III, 310; also Santarem, Researches (Boston, 1850), 13. 
3 Cf. the documents. Navarrete, Viages, III, 291-309. 
4 Quaritch, The First Four Voyages 0/ Amerigo Vespucci (London, 1893), v. 

The Naming of America 45 

la Nazngatione de Re de Spagna de le hole et Tcrrcni Novamente 
Trovati, translated from the manuscript of Peter Martyr's unpub- 
lished Oceani Decas. The matter in this Libretto was taken over 
into the Paesi Novamente Retrovati, a larger collection published in 
1507, and Peter Martyr published his Oceani Decas (Decade of the 
Ocean) in 1511. 

If it is now remembered that Vespucci dated his first voyage 1497, 
and that his account of it was presented to the Latin-reading world 
in 1507. while Peter Martyr's brief account of Columbus's voyage 
of 1498 did not get before the Latin-reading world till 1508, in the 
Latin translation of the Paesi Novamente Retrovati, it is perfectly 
clear why the fame of Vespucci as the discoverer of continental South 
America eclipsed that of Columbus. Xor must it be forgotten that 
the Latin translation of the Medici letter descriptive of equatorial 
South America was being read all over Europe from 1503 on, for 
it is to this narrative more than to the other that the greatness of 
Vespucci's reputation was owing. An enumeration of the number 
of editions which were published within the next few years will 
illustrate this fact. There appeared in rapid succession fifteen 
editions of the Latin translation, seven editions in German, and one 
in Flemish. 1 Down to 1550 forty editions of this Medici letter have 
been recorded. 2 Less numerous were the Latin editions of the 
Soderini letter describing all four voyages, yet as they were appended 
to small treatises or text-books on geography their influence on the 
rising generation was most marked. 

Outside of Spain Vespucci decidedly eclipsed Columbus. In the 
peninsula the case was different. The people among whom he lived 
and on whose ships he sailed knew little or nothing of him. No 
Portuguese translation of his letters was published until 181 2 and 
no Spanish one until 1829. Peter Martyr just mentions his Brazilian 
voyages ; Oviedo knows him not. Las Casas regards him as an im- 
postor and his view is echoed by Herrera. Hardly less severe are 
the moderns Muhoz and Xavarrete. In Portugal, Goes, Barros, and 
Osorio pass him in silence, and in the nineteenth century Santarem 
devoted a book to exposing his pretensions. 

The enormous circulation of the Medici letter under the title 
Novus Mundus, etc., familiarized the European public outside of 
Spain with the association of Vespucci's name with the New World. 
Impressive, too, was his apparently clear conviction that it was a new 
part of the world and not simply the East Indies that had been 

■See Fumagalli's bibliography in Uzielli's edition of Bandini, Vita di Amerigo 
Vespucci (Florence, 1898). 

2 Hugues, in Raccolta Colombiana, Part V, vol. 2, 139. 

46 E. G. Bourne 

found. In the very first lines he says the regions which " we found 
and which may be called a new world (novus mundus), since our 
ancestors had no knowledge of them, and the matter is most novel to 
all who hear of it. For it goes beyond the ideas of our ancients, 
most of whom said there was no continent below the equator and 
toward the south, or if any of them said there was one they declared 
it must be uninhabited for many reasons. But that this opinion is 
false and altogether contrary to the truth this last voyage of mine 
has made clear." 1 Here was a positive, clean-cut declaration of the 
most striking character, very different from Columbus's enthusiastic 
but not altogether convincing identifications in his first letter of 
Cipango and Cathay. 

Yet that it was really in any sense original with Vespucci may 
be questioned. In the first place, the Portuguese had proved, thirty 
odd years earlier, that equatorial Africa was both habitable and in- 
habited. 2 Secondly, the letter of Columbus to Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, describing his third voyage, on which he discovered the main- 
land of South America, was shown to Hojeda and inspired his 
voyage of 1499, 3 on which he was accompanied by Vespucci. That 
Vespucci was also familiar with the contents of the letter is alto- 
gether probable, particularly if he went on the voyage, as is sup- 
posed, as a government agent. In this letter Columbus said of the 
mainland : " Of this half part [of the world] Ptolemy had no knowl- 
edge " 4 ; " if this river does not flow from the earthly paradise it 
comes and flows from a boundless land to the south of which 
hitherto there has been no knowledge " 5 ; " now when your high- 
nesses have here [/. c, across the Atlantic] another world (otro 
mundo) ". In the letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, Columbus wrote 
of his third voyage : " I undertook a new voyage to the new heaven 
and new world (nuevo cielo e mundo), which up to that time was 
concealed " 7 ; and again, " where by the divine will I have put under 
the dominion of the king and queen, our lords, another world". 8 

1 Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci (Lima, 1865), 13; Markham, Letters, 42. 

2 Opposite d'Ailly's assertion in his Imago Mundi that the torrid zone " is unin- 
habitable on account of excessive heat", Columbus had written in the margin at least a 
dozen years before : " It is not uninhabitable, because the Portuguese sail through it 
nowadays, and it is, indeed, very thickly inhabited ; and under the equator is the king 
of Portugal's Castle of Mine, which we have seen." Raccolta Colombiana , Part II, 
vol. 2, 375. 

5 Supra, p. 42. 

4 R. H. Major, Select Letters of Columbus (2d ed., London, Hakluyt Society, 
1870), 136. 

<> Ibid., 147. 
*Ibid., 148. 
i Ibid., 154. 
8 Ibid., 170. 

The Naming of America 47 

Further indication that this use of the name Novus Mundus did not 
originate with Vespucci is afforded by one of the sketch-maps pre- 
pared by Bartholomew Columbus in 1503, when on the fourth 
voyage, in which the land south of the Mar de Caribi is called 
" Mondo Novo "} 

Some additional illustrations of the use and meaning of the 
terms " new world ", " other world ", " West Indies " may be given 
here in order to clear away in some measure the confusion in which 
the subject has been involved. 2 The name West Indies was origi- 
nated by Columbus himself and was used by him for the first time 
in document xliii, article iv, of his Book of Priznleges, written before 
1502, in which he refers to " la calidad de las dichas Yndias ociden- 
tales a todo el mundo innotas " ( " the character of the said West 
Indies unknown to all the world"). 3 

As for the term New World, in one or another of its Latin equiva- 
lents it was used from the beginning by Peter Martyr to describe 
Columbus's discoveries. In reality it did not mean a region detached 
at all points from the hitherto known world, but a new part of the 
globe not hitherto within the range of European knowledge. The use 
of it, therefore, implies of necessity nothing as to the physical con- 
nection or disconnection with Asia, but simply the fact of situation 
outside the bounds of previous knowledge, just as we say figuratively 
of a man in unfamiliar surroundings, " he found himself in a new 
world ". Thus the Venetian Cada Mosto, writing of his voyages 
down the hitherto unexplored coast of Africa in 1455 and 1456, says 
the regions he saw in comparison with Europe might well be called 
" un altro Mondo " ("another world"). 4 Similarly, after the 
name had become familiar as applied to South America, Francis 
Serrao, in writing to Magellan of the Moluccas, refers to them as 
farther than the antipodes and as being " another new world " 
(" outro novo mundo " ). 5 

Peter Martyr uses the phrase " western antipodes " in his letter 
of May 14, 1493 ; " new hemisphere of the earth " in that of Septem- 
ber 13, 1493; he calls Columbus "that discoverer of new world" 
(" ille novi orbis repertor ") November 1, 1493; he writes of more 
wonders from the " New World " (" orbe novo ") October 20, 1494; 

1 Carlo Errera, L ' epoca della grandi scoperte geografiche (Milan, 1902), 297. This 
map is reproduced in Channing, Students' History of the United States (New York, 
1898), 32. 

2 E. g., in Fiske, Discovery of America, I, 444, note, and 5 J 5 > H> passim. 
3 Spotorno, Codice Diplomatico Colombo- Americano (Genoa, 1 823), 286; Memor- 
ials of Columbus, (London, 1823), 215 ; Thacher, Columbus, II, 530. 

* Humboldt, Kritische Untersuchungen (3 vols., Berlin, 1836-1852), III, 130, note. 
5 Barros, Da Asia (24 vols., Lisbon, 1778-1788), dec. Ill, liv. v, ch. viii. 

48 E. G. Bourne 

and in December of the same year he uses the phrase " Western 
Hemisphere" ("ab occidente hemisperio"). 1 The Florentine Simone 
del Verde, in January, 1499, in a letter from Cadiz, remarks that the 
admiral had had great courage and genius in having discovered the 
other world opposite our own (" l'altro mondo opposito al nostro "). 2 
That Vespucci's letters first gave wide publicity to the discovery of 
a continental region south of the West Indies islands is undeniable, 
but that he was the first to recognize this discovery as such is not 
true. In fact, his conviction may have been simply the fruit of the 
seed planted by Columbus. 

That Columbus believed at the same time that he had found 
islands lying off the eastern coast of Asia, and also a mainland to the 
south of these islands unknown to the ancients, presents no difficulty, 
but rather offers a solution of old-standing perplexities. Many 
writers have insisted that Columbus died in ignorance of his real 
achievement, believing that he had discovered the islands off the coast 
of Asia and part of the mainland of that continent. Others with 
equal confidence maintain that he realized that he had discovered a 
new world. His own language supports both views, and his posi- 
tion and that of his contemporaries becomes intelligible enough in 
the light of the interpretation given above of the phrase " new 
world ", if we once realize the striking analogy between the rela- 
tion of Australia to the Malay peninsula and that of South America 
to the parts of North America that Columbus visited. To take an 
illustration from a map published after Columbus's death and after 
the publication of Vespucci's voyages, in Ruysch's map in the 
Ptolemy of 1508 Florida occupies the position of Borneo, Espahola 
that of New Guinea, and Mundus Novus that of Australia. 3 In other 
words, if America and the Pacific had not existed and Columbus had 
done just exactly what he supposed he did, he would have dis- 
covered Borneo, New Guinea, and Australia, and these regions 
would have been called " another world '', and Australia, par excel- 
lence, " Mundus Novus ". It was only after Magellan's voyage 
across the Pacific that antagonism appears between Columbus's dif- 
ferent descriptions. He did not and could not, nor could any one 
else, divine that vast expanse of waters. 

Returning now to the history of the narrative of Vespucci's voy- 

1 All these will be found in Thacher's extracts from Peter Martyr, Opus Epislolarum, 
in his Christopher Columbus, I, 53 ff. 

2 Harrisse, Christophe Colomb (2 vols., Paris, 1884-1885), II, 97 ; Thacher, I, 63. 

3 Sketches of Ruysch's map are given in Fiske, II, 1 14; Winsor, Columbus, 532, 
and Narrative and Critical History, II, 115. A comparison by means of any Mercator 
projection will make clear the points made in the text. 

The Naming of America 49 

ages, with its widely-published announcement of a hitherto unknown 
southern continental region, we come to the first suggestion to attach 
the Florentine's name to this " Mundus Novus ". Martin Wald- 
seemiiller, the young professor of geography at the college in Saint 
Die, who published the Soderini letter or narrative of the four voy- 
ages as an appendix to his Cosmographies Iutroductio, 1507, when 
he enumerated the different parts of the world, wrote : " In sexto 
climate Antarcticum versus, et pars extrema Africa? nuper reperta, 
et Zamzibar, Java minor et Seula insulae, et quarta orbis pars (quam 
quia Americus invenit Amerigen, quasi America terram, sive Ameri- 
can! nuncupare licet) sitae sunt." (" In the sixth climate toward the 
south pole are situated both the farthest part of Africa recently 
discovered, and Zanzibar, the islands of lesser Java and Ceylon, and 
the fourth part of the globe which since Americus discovered it may 
be called Amerige — i. e., Americ's land or America.") 1 

A little further on, when ready to take up the parts of the world 
unknown to the ancients, he opens his account: " Nunc vero et has 
partes sunt latius lustratae et alia quarta pars per Americum Ves- 
putium (ut in sequentibus audietur) inventa est, quam non video 
cur quis jure vetet ab Americo inventore, sagacis ingenii viro Ameri- 
gen quasi Americi terram, sive Americam dicendam : cum et Europa 
et Asia a mulieribus sua sortita sint nomina." (" Now, indeed, as 
these regions are more widely explored, and another fourth part has 
been discovered by Americus Vesputius, as may be learned from the 
following letters, I do not see why any one may justly forbid it to be 
named Amerige — that is, Americ's Land, from Americus, the dis- 
coverer, a man of sagacious mind, or America, since both Europe 
and Asia derived their names from women.' 2 ) 

It will be noted that this young scholar, who in the prevailing 
fashion of the Renaissance had dignified his cumbrous family name 
of Waldseemuller into the Greco-Latin compound Hylacomylus (Gr. 
u/.rj, a wood; Lat. locus, lake; Gr. /j.'j/.oc, mill), which effectually 
concealed his identity in later days until it was revealed by Hum- 
boldt, pursued a similar process in devising the first of the two 
names which he proposed for the New World. Amerige is made 
up of Ameri(ci) and ge, the Greek yrj, land. As an alternative the 
feminine of Americus is suggested by analogy with Asia, Europa, 
and x\frica. As between Amerige and America euphony soon gave 
the palm to America, and only a writer here and there adopted the 

1 Fol. 3b., cited from Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerika 1 s (Berlin, 1892), 364. 
2 Fol. 15b., cited from Kretschmer, 364. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 4. 

50 E. G. Bourne 

former. 1 The same advantage and the apt analogy in form to Asia 
and Africa, effectively and indispensably seconded by the rapid 
multiplication of geographies and maps in Germany, soon gave 
America the lead over all its competitors, in spite of the recurring 
sense of the injustice done to the memory of Columbus. 

From the time of Schoner, who first made the charge in his 
Opusculum Geograpliicum, 1533, to the time of Humboldt, who 
completely refuted it, the belief was not uncommon that Vespucci had 
a hand in giving his own name to the New World. An interesting 
side-light on this point is thrown by the fact that his nephew Giovanni 
Vespucci did not adopt the name in the map he made in 1523. 2 
Waldseemiiller himself, when he became more thoroughly acquainted 
with the real history of the first discoveries, quietly dropped the 
name, and on his map of 15 13 substituted for it on the mainland of 
South America " Terra Incognita ", with the inscription, " This land, 
with the adjacent islands, was discovered by Columbus, a Genoese, 
under the authority of the King of Castile." 3 

The name America, notwithstanding the activity of the German 
press, made little or no headway in the Spanish peninsula, where 
' The Indies " was the prevalent official name and the one used by 
historians like Oviedo, Las Casas, and Herrera. The first Spanish 
maps to contain the name America were those in the Atlas of Lopez, 
Madrid, 1758. 4 Muhoz, in 1793, entitled his work, which was the 
first really critical history according to modern ideas, Historia del 
Nucvo Mundo. Among the other names suggested some may be 
noted. " Atlantis " was proposed by the French geographer Postel, 
1561, and his example was followed among others by Sanson, 1689. 5 
Ortelius (Oertel), in 1571, desiring to do equal honor to Columbus 
and Vespucci, proposed to call North America " Columbana " and the 
southern continent " America ". On Mercator's globe of 1541 the 

1 E. g., Nicolini de Sabio, in his edition of the Cosmographies Inlroductio (Venice, 
1535); Marcou, Nouvelles Recherches (Paris, 1888), 44. The true derivation of the 
name Amerige was first explicitly given by the present writer in the Political Science 
Quarterly for March, 1893 ( VIII, 166). Schoner did not recognize it, for he takes the 
accusative case Amerigem for the name, Luculentissima Descriptio, 1515' c - x '> f°l- D0> 
Curiously enough, even Kretschmer does the same in his Entdeckung America's, 364. 
Marcou thought it a variant of Amerigo, Nouvelles Recherches, 44. Amerigem is also 
found in Stobnicza's Inlroductio in Ptholomei Cosmograp/iiam (Cracow, 1512, Fuma- 
galli's bibliography, No. 46, in Uzielli's edition of Bandini, Vita). America, too, puz- 
zled some writers, being taken for an adjective, so that the full name would be America 
Terra. Letter of Aucuparius to Frisius (Fumagalli, No. 64), ox America Provincia, 
as Apian's map of 1520 (Kretschmer, 366 ; Hugues, Le Vicende del Nome " America'' 
(Turin, 1898), 26. 

2 Hugues., ibid., 29. 

3 Ibid., 18. See Atlas zu Kretschmer, Entdeckutig Amerikd s, plate 12. 
* Hugues, op. cit., 43. 
5 Ibid., 23. 


The Naming of America 5 1 

name America is stretched over the hemisphere, " Ame " being 
inscribed on the northern and " rica " on the southern continent. 
The names North America and South America first appear on the 
maps early in the seventeenth century, in Magini's Ptolemy and Hon- 
dius's Atlas, 1609. : 

The first indignant protest against the injustice done to Columbus 
in the application of another's name to the New World which he 
discovered was that of the celebrated Michael Servetus in that edition 
of Ptolemy (1535) whose unfortunate disagreement with the books 
of Moses as to the fertility of Palestine was one of the charges the 
stern Calvin brought against his victim. 2 Servetus declared that 
those were entirely mistaken who claimed that this continent should 
be called America, for Americus went thither much later than 
Columbus. 3 The case was taken up vigorously by Las Casas, who, 
as a friend and admirer of the admiral, felt deeply on the subject. 4 
Curiously enough, there is no reference to the matter in Ferdinand 
Columbus's life of his father, which was written before 1539, and 
probably after the protest of Servetus. It would seem as if he died 
in ignorance of the eclipse of his father's fame by that of Vespucci 
in Europe outside of Spain. 

The four discoverers — Columbus. John and Sebastian Cabot, and 
Amerigo Vespucci — have fared variously at the hands of modern 
historical criticism. John Cabot has been raised from almost com- 
plete obscurity to become a conspicuous but still shadowy figure. 
Sebastian Cabot has been pulled down from the lofty pedestal which 
he apparently erected for himself, his veracity is impugned, his scien- 
tific attainments disputed, and his lack of filial piety exposed to a 
glaring light. Around Vespucci the storms of controversy have 
raged for three centuries and a half, and he has suffered from them 
like Sebastian Cabot. His claims for himself have not stood the test. 
While he has been cleared of complicity in having his name attached 
to the New World, it is generally accepted that he antedated his 
first voyage to secure a distinction which did not belong to him and 
that his narratives unduly exalt himself at the expense of others 
equally entitled to honor. The position of Columbus alone has not 
been materially affected by the modern scrutiny into his career. 
Opinion has differed about his character, but the record of his 
achievements has been unshaken and the estimate of its significance 
has risen rather than fallen. Edward Gaylord Bourne. 

1 Ibid. , 39. 

2 Humboldt, Kritische Untersuchungen, II, 323. 

3 The passage is quoted in Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, II, 176, note 10. 
4 Las Casas's extensive criticism of Vespucci's narratives is given in English in 

Markham, Letters, 68-108. 




At the beginning of the American Revolution it was not a fore- 
gone conclusion that Nova Scotia would continue loyal to the crown 
of England and that the other British colonies on the continent 
would all become independent. Yet w.riters dealing with the period 
frequently assume that Nova Scotia was from the first in a class 
altogether distinct from that of the revolting colonies, and therefore 
do not think her exceptional course of action worthy of remark. 
For instance, Green 1 says that all the colonies " adopted the cause 
of Massachusetts ; and all their Legislatures, save that of Georgia, 
sent delegates to a Congress which assembled on the 4th of Sep- 
tember at Philadelphia ". In this statement Nova Scotia is alto- 
gether ignored. But, had this province made a fourteenth state 
in the Union, there is little doubt that the difficulty of England's 
holding Canada, especially during the season when the St. Lawrence 
was frozen, would have been enormously increased ; and it is prob- 
able that England, like her rival France, would have been driven 
out of America. The attitude of Nova Scotia during the contest 
has therefore more than a merely local interest. 

At first sight it is difficult to understand why Nova Scotia did not 
follow the lead of New England. The character of the population 
did not promise any high degree of loyalty. It was composed largely 
of emigrants from New England, who had only recently, at the time 
of the Stamp Act agitation, left their old homes ; and there was 
another element of danger to the British connection in the presence 
of a number of Acadians who had escaped the intended doom of 
exile or had contrived to return to the province. In April, 1761, 
Belcher reported that there were 1,540 Acadians who had not yet 
submitted and who were fitting out armed vessels to prey on the 
trading ships. The hostility of the Acadians usually involved that 
of the Indians, who were still much under French influence. They 

1 A Short History of the English People, New York, 1877, 741. 

2 Belcher, chief-justice of Nova Scotia, to Lords of Trade, April 14, 1 761 , Manu- 
script Volume, 37, no. 6, in Provincial Library, Halifax, Nova Scotia. Copies of this 
despatch and of most of those cited below are in the above-named library, which contains 
a valuable collection of documents relating to the early history of the province. Some 
of these are originals ; others are transcripts from papers in the British Museum, the 
Massachusetts Public Records, etc. 


Nova Scotia Daring the Revolution 53 

numbered in 1764 about six hundred fighting men, a formidable 
force in a country of small and scattered settlements. 1 

It had been part of Lawrence's plan to settle some of the New 
England troops upon the fertile lands from which they had been 
employed to drive the Acadians, but these troops had not chosen to 
remain, 2 and it was not till the reduction of Louisburg in 1758 that 
the resettlement of the " vacated " French lands really began, for 
as long as the Acadians and Indians received encouragement from 
Cape Breton, new settlers entered the country with their lives in their 
hands. But within three months after the fall of the fortress Law- 
rence issued a proclamation 3 (with a description attached), inviting 
applications as well for the " lands vacated by the French as every 
other part of this valuable Province ". He described in detail the 
unique advantages of the lands at his disposal — extensive forests, 
rich farms, already cleared, and navigable rivers falling into the Bay 
of Fundy. With special enthusiasm he dwelt on the fact that the 
new-comers would find their way prepared by the exiled Acadians. 
and that they might at once go in and possess fruitful orchards, fields 
stocked with English grass, and " interval plough-lands ", upon which 
for a century the crops had never been known to fail. In another 
proclamation/ he promised liberty of conscience to all Protestant 
dissenters, assured them that they would not be required to give any 
support to the Church of England, and explained that the govern- 
ment and system of justice in Nova Scotia resembled that of Massa- 

The people of New England showed themselves very ready to go 
in and possess the lands of the unfortunate Acadians. Before 
the close of 1759, one hundred seven Massachusetts men had re- 
ceived grants in the township of Annapolis ; nearly three hundred 
others of the same province had " signed " for lands in the townships 
of East Passage, Shoreham (on Mahone Bay), and Liverpool; and 
the township of Yarmouth had been allotted to a number of appli- 
cants, of whom nine or ten came from Philadelphia, and over a hun- 
dred from different parts of New England. This by no means ex- 

1 Wilmot, governor of Nova Scotia, to Lords of Trade, June 24, 1764, MS. Volume 
39, no. 9. See also Douglas Brymner, Report 071 Canadian Archives, 1SQ4, 255. 

2 Lords of Trade to Lieutenant-governor Lawrence, July 8, 1756 ; see Report on 
Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 210. In a few cases, as above, when I have not had access to 
the document in question, I have made use of the abstracts, in many instances very full, 
in the above report. 

3 Council Book, III, MS. Volume 211, 27, 28. This is a copy of the minutes of 
the meetings of the governor of Nova Scotia and his council. The original minutes are 
in the Provincial Library at Halifax, but the references here are always to the copy. 

'Ibid., 35. 

'Papers connected with Settlement of old Townships, Nova Scotia Provincial 
Library, MS. Volume 359. 

54 E. P. Weaver 

hausts the list of immigrants. In September of this year, Lawrence 
stated 1 that the total number of families to be settled before the close 
of 1762 was 2,550, or about 12,250 souls. But it appears that, in a 
number of cases, the grantees never actually took possession of their 
lands, for in 1766, 2 counting the former inhabitants with the new- 
comers, there were in Nova Scotia only 2,375 families, or 9,789 per- 
sons, including what is now the province of New Brunswick. If we 
may assume the correctness of Chief-justice Belcher's estimate of 
3,000 as the number of English inhabitants in Nova Scotia in 1755, 
it will be seen that the increase was by no means inconsiderable ; and 
had Lawrence been permitted to manage matters as he thought best, 
it might have been much greater than it was. 4 

The glimpses we obtain of the New England settlers give the 
impression of an energetic, self-reliant people, jealous, like their 
compatriots, of any encroachment on their liberty. In June, 1760, 
the first settlers arrived at Liverpool, N. S., with live stock and 
thirteen fishing-schooners. Some of the party immediately betook 
themselves to the Banks to fish, while the rest set up three sawmills, 
and began to build houses for their families. Both Lawrence 5 and 
Belcher reported that the settlements at Horton, Cornwallis, and Fal- 
mouth were prospering, but by the end of 1761 Belcher complained 
of the exorbitant price demanded by the New-Englanders for their 
labor. 6 He said that, while the Irish were willing to work " in com- 
mon labour " for two shillings per day, the New-Englanders would 
not work for less than four. 

Of all the new settlers, the people of Liverpool 7 seem to have 
been most imbued with the spirit of their Boston brethren. In the 

1 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, September 20, 1 759 (enclosure), Report on Cana- 
dian Archives, 18Q4, 218. 

2 Abstract of number of inhabitants, etc., December 31, 1766, MS. Volume 43, 
paper 15. 

3 Belcher's opinion on removal of Acadians, of July 28, 1755, Report on Canadian 
Archives, 1894, 206. 

•' He was informed by a letter from the Lords of Trade, dated August I, 1759, that 
his duty with respect to the lands was simply to receive and transmit proposals. See 
Report 011 Canadian Archives, 1894, 218; Council Book, III, MS. Volume 21 1, 95, 96. 
About this same time there were extensive schemes on foot to bring colonists from the 
other American colonies and from Ireland, but complaints were made that difficulties 
were thrown in the way of those bringing out settlers. See Memorial of Colonel Alex 
ander McNutt, April 17, 1766, MS. Volume 31, no. 53. Several hundred from the north 
of Ireland were in fact brought over. See Lords of Trade to King, April 8, 1 762, Report 
on Canadian Archives, 1894, 232. 

5 Lawrence to Lords of Trade, June 16, 1760, MS. Volume 36, no. 48. See also 
Report on Canadian Archives, 1894, 221. 

6 Belcher to Lords of Trade, November 3, 1761, MS. Volume 37, no. II ; Report 
on Canadian Archives, 1894., 228. 

7 Council Book, III, MS. Volume 211, 250. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 55 

minutes of the council of Nova Scotia, under date of July 24, 1762, 
is a remarkable document drawn up by the inhabitants of this little 
sea-coast town, which could then count scarcely more than two years 
from the day of its first settlement, insisting in no measured terms 
on their right to local self-government : 

We, your memorialists, proprietors of the township of Liverpool, 
look upon ourselves to be freemen, and under the same constitution as 
the rest of His Majesty King George's other subjects, not only by His 
Majesty's Proclamation, but because we were born in a country of Liberty, 
in a land that belongs to the Crown of England, therefore we conceive 
we have right and authority invested in ourselves (or at least we pray we 
may) to nominate and appoint men among us to be our Committee and 
to do other offices that the Town may want. His present Excellency 
. . . and the Council of Halifax have thought proper to disrobe and 
deprive us of the above privilege, which we first enjoyed. This we 
imagine is encroaching on our Freedom and liberty and depriving us of 
a privilege that belongs to no body of people but ourselves, and whether 
the alteration and choice of the Men you have chosen to be our Com- 
mittee is for the best or not we can't think so, and it has made great 
uneasiness among the people insomuch that some families have left the 
place and hindered others from coming, and we know some of the Com- 
mittee is not hearty for the settlement of this place. 

The petitioners complained that the said committee discouraged 
fishermen by saying that " they want farmers and that the township 
is full ", but " we say, ' Encourage both ' ". ' Therefore we pray ", 
continued the memorial, " that we may have the privilege to chose our 
own Committee and other officers, as it will greatly pacify us and the 
rest of the people of the township, and what we must insist on as it 
belongs to us alone to rule ourselves as we think ourselves capable ". 

Liverpool was the only place in Nova Scotia to show " public 
marks of discontent " on the imposition of the stamp-duty. 1 Again, 
a little later, 2 this town was the scene of a riotous resistance to the 
law, as represented in the persons of the sheriff and deputy-sheriff 
of the county of Lunenburg. These officers had come to Liverpool 
in pursuit of a schooner that had been seized at New Dublin for some 
breach of the revenue laws and had escaped. Not seeing her in the 
harbor, they went into the town to make inquiries, but on the follow- 
ing night a mob of fifty men, armed with sticks and cutlasses, threat- 
ened the sheriff's life and forced him to sign a bond for 300I. " not 
to pursue the schooner any further ". 

Such manifestations of sympathy with persons engaged in illicit 
trade were a marked feature of the times in all the American colonies. 

1 Wilmot to Lords of Trade, November 19, 1 765, MS. Volume 37, no. 46. See 
also Report on Canadian Archives, /8Q4, 265. 

2 Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 45. 

56. E. P. Weaver 

With regard to restrictions on trade, Nova Scotia was of course in 
much the same position as New England. For instance, in the royal 
commission 1 to Governor Wilmot there is a clause forbidding him, 
on account of the complaints of London merchants, to assent to any 
bill by which the inhabitants of Nova Scotia would be put, in her own 
trade, on a more advantageous footing than those of England. 
Neither might he assent to bills laying duties on British shipping, 
products, or manufactures. The tender solicitude for British inter- 
ests, to the exclusion of all others, went so far that the governor 
was forbidden to assent to the laying of import or export duties on 
negroes, which might tend to dicourage British trade with Africa ; 
nor might the province protect herself against undesirable immigra- 
tion by laying any duty on the importation of felons from Great 
Britain. Wilmot was indeed commanded to suppress the " engross- 
ing of commodities, as tending to the prejudice of that freedom, 
which Trade and Commerce ought to have, and to use his best en- 
deavours in the improvement of the trade of those parts by settling 
such orders and regulations therein ... as may be most acceptable 
to the generality of the inhabitants ". But in the same clause the 
governor was forbidden, on pain of the king's highest displeasure, to 
" assent to any bill for setting up manufactures or carrying on 
trades ", which might prove " hurtful and prejudicial " to England. 
Legge's commission, 2 dated 1773, is in many clauses identical with 
that of Wilmot. The clause concerning the slave-trade, and another 
requiring the governor to do his utmost to facilitate the conversion 
to Christianity of Indians and negroes, is the same. 

In Nova Scotia there was, however, comparatively little reason 
for popular discontent with the navigation laws. There was practi- 
cally no manufacturing in the province. 3 Two distillers of rum, a 
sugar baker, and two hatters constituted the list of manufacturers 4 . 
A little linen was sold by the Irish settlers, but there was good ground 
for hoping that such an objectionable practice would disappear when 
the people were more fully employed in the agricultural pursuits 
which became them. Lord William Campbell went so far as to ask 
permission to open and use the coal-mines of Cape Breton, and even 
ventured to issue licenses for the digging of coals. But though he 
said that the colliery could never interfere with England, his action 

'Royal instructions, March 16, 1764, MS. Volume 349. 

2 MS. Volume 349. 

3 Michael Francklin to Shelburne, November 21, 1766, MS. Volume 42, no. 6. 

4 See also Francklin to Hillsborough, July II, 1768, Report on Canadian Archives, 
18Q4, 287. 

5 Campbell to Shelburne, February 27, 1767, MS. Volume 43, no. I. See also Re- 
port on Canadian Archives, i8q4, 276. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 57 

was condemned as irregular and the renewal of the licenses was for- 
bidden. 1 Beyond the simple articles with which in a certain stage 
of social development every family supplies itself, there was little 
demand for manufactured goods. This being the case, Nova Scotia 
offered few attractions to any one whose bent was mechanical or com- 
mercial. Farmers might hope to reap abundant crops from the 
" vacated French lands ". Fishermen might be drawn to the pro- 
vince by the number of " ports of safety ", 2 and " the inexhaustible 
mines of fish ", at the entrance to its harbors ; but, as we have seen, 
for the would-be manufacturer there was nothing but discourage- 
ment, and as late as 1774 3 Governor Legge was able to report, " there 
is no other kind of business carried on in this colony than fishing and 
farming ". 

When the stamp-duties were under discussion, there was not a 
town in the province deserving of the name. In 1762* even Halifax 
had a population of only 2,500. Country people are proverbially 
slower to move and more difficult to rouse than the dwellers in towns, 
and the disaffected of Nova Scotia seem to have had no leader of 
any great power or influence. In Cumberland county and on the 
St. John river there were several men who appear to have had con- 
siderable local influence, which was exerted to the utmost on the 
side of the revolted colonies, but at Halifax, though from time to 
time persons were arrested on suspicion of holding correspondence 
with the rebels or for saying that they " thought -the Americans were 
much in the right of it " 5 no one was charged with any serious 
attempt to organize resistance to government. 

The interests of Halifax itself were indeed all on the side of the 
established order of things. Then as now it was the chief seaport, 
the seat of government for the province, and a British naval and 
military station, and in those days its prosperity, its importance, its 
very existence, depended on these conditions. Such specie as cir- 
culated was introduced into the country by the army and navy 6 

On the other hand, Halifax depended 7 upon New England for its 

'Hillsborough to Francklin, February 26, 1768, MS. Volume 31, no. 69; Report 
on Canadian Archives, 1894, 283. 

2 Campbell to Shelbume, February 27, 1767, MS. Volume 43, no. I ; Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1894, 276. 

3 Legge to Dartmouth, July 6, 1774, MS. Volume 44, no. 37 ; Report on Canadian 
Archives, 1894, 319. 

4 Account of settlements enclosed with a letter of Belcher to Lords of Trade, January 
II, 1762, MS. Volume 37, no. 13^; Report on Canadian Archives, 1894, 230. 

'Papers relating to Crown Prosecutions, MS. Volume 342, paper 77. 
6 Campbell to Shelburne, September 7, 1767, MS. Volume 42, 20. 
7 Wilmot to Lords of Trade, June 24, 1764, MS. Volume 39, no. 9; Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1894, 255. 

58 E. P. Weaver 

supplies of all fresh provisions except fish, and so, in the earlier 
years of the Revolution, was in constant communication with Boston, 
the chief center of disaffection. In Governor Lawrence's time even 
hay was brought from New England, 1 and in 1762 there was not in 
the town or its neighborhood one family that gained a living by 
husbandry. The only improved land consisted of a few garden lots 
and grass fields, 2 and the lack of roads prevented the country people 
from bringing in their produce. Campbell complained that it was 
frequently bought by New-Englanders, who sold it again to the 
people of Halifax. 3 From the first therefore the citizens were fully 
informed of all that went on in the colonies to the south. 

To Nova Scotia, as to the other colonies, came the notice of the 
intended imposition of stamp-duties " towards defraying the neces- 
sary expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the British 
colonies and plantations in America ". 4 The familiar story of the 
way in which this proposal was received does not need retelling. 
Nova Scotia alone, of all the colonies on the seaboard, submitted 
without " opposition or objection " to the laying on of the stamp- 
duties. In her settlements there were no riots, no non-importation 
agreements, and apparently, except from Liverpool, 5 no murmurs. 
The British ministers, however, saw no reason for greater confidence 
in the loyalty of Nova Scotia than in that of the more southern 
colonies ; and, on hearing of the disturbances in Boston and other 
places, they instructed 6 Wilmot " if this evil should spread to the 
government of Nova Scotia ", to use leniency and persuasion at first, 
but in the case of " acts of outrage and violence ", to apply for assist- 
ance to the naval and military commanders. 

Wilmot reported, however, that " the sentiments of a decent and 
dutiful acquiescence " prevailed " very powerfully " in Nova Scotia,' 
and in due time there came by express command of the king a letter 8 
signifying " his highest approbation of the dutiful, loyal and discreet 
conduct, observed " in Nova Scotia " during the late unjustifiable 
transactions in other parts of America ". 

1 Account of settlements with letter of Belcher, January II, 1762, MS. Volume 37, 
no. 13^. See Report on Canadian Archives, i8g4, 230. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Campbell to Shelburne, May 21, 1767, MS. Volume 42, 15 ; Report on Canadian 
Archives, i8g4, 277. 

* Lord Halifax to Wilmot, August II, 1764, MS. Volume 31, no. 38. 

6 \Vilmot to Lords of Trade, November 19, 1765, MS. Volume 37, no. 46. See 
Report on Canadian Archives, i8gj, 265. 

6 Conway to Wilmot, October 24, 1765, MS. Volume 31, no. 50. 

7 Wilmot to Conway, February 17, 1766, MS. Volumn 42, 5. See same to same, 
February 9, in Report on Canadian Archives, l8q4, 266. 

8 Richmond to Governor of Nova Scotia, June 12, 1766, MS. Volume 31, no. 57. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 59 

The Stamp Act was soon repealed, but the mischief it had done 
did not quickly pass away. It had provoked both the friends and 
the foes of America to investigate the status of the colonies in relation 
to the mother-country. Lord Mansfield on the one side, James Otis 
on the other, agreed in insisting that the distinction between port- 
duties and internal taxes was without foundation. This idea spread, 
and trade restrictions soon began to be regarded as worse than 
arbitrary taxation — " the more slavish thing of the two ". 

But the ministers were by no means prepared to give up the con- 
test. At the moment of repealing the Stamp Act they took care to 
assert their rights over the colonies by " an Act for Securing the 
just Dependency of the Colonies on the Mother Country " ; and the 
very announcement of the repeal of the measure that had proved so 
obnoxious was couched in language of irritating condescension. 1 
One blunder followed another. Relief to the trade interests of 
America was promised, but little was given. The year 1767 saw 
another attempt of the British ministers to raise in America a revenue 
for military purposes by the imposition of taxes on tea and certain 
other articles. In many of the colonies this was met by a revival of 
the non-importation associations, and in February, 1768, the legis- 
lature of Massachusetts passed resolutions protesting against the new 
taxes, and adopted a circular letter to send to the other assemblies 
of Xorth America. 

This letter is interesting as an expression of the political creed 
of Massachusetts at that time, but its contents are too well-known to 
need repetition. We are concerned with it chiefly as an attempt to 
bring about concerted action on the part of the colonies, a matter 
which former experience had shown to be of extraordinary difficulty. 
The representatives of Massachusetts evidently dreaded giving offense 
to the assemblies of the sister colonies, and eagerly disclaimed any 
ambition of dictating to them or taking the lead. But they assumed 
throughout that these other assemblies were at one with them on the 
main points in dispute. They did not doubt apparently that even 
Nova Scotia would join in their protest. On the other hand, the 

1 Conway to Wilmot, March 31, 1766, MS. Volume 31, no. 52 : "You will think 
it scarce possible, I imagine, that the paternal care of his Majesty for his colonies or the 
lenity and indulgence of the parliament should go further than I have already mentioned 
— yet so full of true magnanimity are the sentiments of both, and so free from the 
smallest colour of passion or prejudice that they seem disposed not only to forgive but to 
forget those most unjustifiable marks of an undutiful diposition, too frequent in the late 
transactions of the colonies. ... A revision of the late American trade laws is goingto 
be the immediate object of Parliament nor will the late transactions there, however pro- 
voking, prevent I dare say, the full operation of that kind indulgent disposition prevailing 
both in his Majesty and his Parliament to give to the trade interests of America, every 
relief which the true state of their circumstances demands or admits." 

60 E. P. Weaver 

rulers of that province, from Hillsborough, 1 secretary of state, to 
Francklin, 2 the lieutenant-governor, expressed much confidence in 
the loyalty of Nova Scotia. At the same time they declared that the 
proceedings of Massachusetts were " of a most dangerous and fac- 
tious tendency, calculated to inflame the minds " of the king's " good 
subjects in the colonies, to promote an unwarrantable combination, 
and to excite and encourage an open opposition to and denial of the 
authority of Parliament, and to subvert the true principles of the 
constitution ". 

Their faith in the " most noble and submissive obedience " 4 of 
Nova Scotia did not altogether allay their anxieties concerning the 
possible effect of the Massachusetts circular letter, even on that ex- 
emplary province; and Francklin was directed to prorogue or dis- 
solve the assembly, if it betrayed any inclination to giving counten- 
ance to " this seditious paper ". When the assembly of Nova Scotia 
met in the following June, however, Francklin 3 was able to report 
that the Massachusetts letter had not even been read, and that there 
would have been no difficulty in obtaining a strong vote of dis- 
approbation, had it been thought necessary. " The people of this 
province ", he repeats, " have the highest reverence and respect for 
all acts of the British legislature." 

After the appearance of the circular letter, two regiments and 
four ships of war were ordered from Halifax to Boston. Campbell, 
who had just returned from a visit to England, wrote 6 to Hills- 
borough, urging that the troops might be sent back to Nova Scotia 
as quickly as possible, on account of the poverty of the people, 
" whose chief dependence was the circulating cash spent by the 
troops ", and because of danger from Indians. The removal of the 
fifty-ninth regiment from Louisburg, he declares, will cause " a total 

J Hillsborough to Governor of Nova Scotia, April 21, 1768, MS. Volume 31, no. 71 : 
" The repeated proofs which have been given by the assembly of Nova Scotia, of their 
reverence and respect for the laws, and of their faithful attachment to the constitution 
leave little room in His Majesty's breast to doubt of their showing a proper resentment 
of this unjustifiable attempt to revive those distractions which have operated so fatally to 
the prejudice of this kingdom and the colonies." 

2 Francklin to Shelburne, March 29, 1768, MS. Volume 43, no. 25. Report on 
Canadian Archives, 18S4, 284. "No temptation, however great", he asserted, "will 
lead the inhabitants of this province to show the least inclination to oppose Acts of the 
British Parliament." 

3 Hillsborough to Governor of Nova Scotia, April 21, 1768, MS. Volume 31, no. 71. 

4 Campbell to Shelburne, February 27, 1767, MS. Volume 43, no. I; Report on 
Canadian Archives, J8g4, 276. 

5 Francklin to Hillborough, July 10, 1768, MS. Volume 43, no. 34; Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1894, 287. 

6 Campbell to Hillsborough, September 12, 1 768, MS. Volume 43, no. 49 ; Report 
on Canadian Archives, 1894, 290. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 61 


desertion " of the inhabitants ; and the coal-mines, " peculiarly recom- 
mended from home not to be touched, may uninterruptedly be worked 
by any people who think proper to go there ". Since the peace Louis- 
burg had been " the receptacle of adventurers in the Fishery " ; so 
long as the troops were there the civil power could be enforced, but 
now there was reason to fear " total anarchy ". The defense of 
Halifax, where a royal dockyard had lately been established, added 
to his anxieties. In case of war it would certainly be one of " the 
first objects of destruction", 1 for it might 2 "now be looked on as 
the northern key of His [Majesty's American dominions ". 

Considering that he regarded the situation in Nova Scotia as so 
perilous, it is somewhat remarkable that Campbell permitted the pub- 
lication of the inflammatory matter that appeared in the earlier num- 
bers of The Nova Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser. Its first 
number appeared in January, 1769, and it kept its readers supplied 
with the " freshest advices " concerning the progress of events in 
the colonies to the south. Articles favorable to the king and his 
ministers occasionally found a place in its columns, but the general 
trend of the paper was, at this time, rather in favor of the champions 
of colonial rights. The question of war and of the separation of the 
colonies from Great Britain were freely discussed six years before 
the first shot was fired at Lexington, and the people were informed 
that great numbers of Englishmen looked " on America as in re- 
bellion "? 

Nova Scotia still refrained from joining in the loud protests of 
the New England colonies against taxation by the British Parliament, 
but even in that province were faint stirrings of the desire for larger 
liberty, and some of the townships ventured to call meetings 4 for 
debating questions relating to the laws and government. This 
alarmed the governor, and the attorney-general was instructed to 
threaten the offenders with prosecution. When the general assem- 

1 Campbell to Hillsborough, October 25, 1768, MS. Volume 43, no. 56; Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1894, 292. 

2 Same to same, January 13, 1769, MS. Volume 43, no. 67 ; Repoit on Canadian 
An hives, iSg4, 294. 

3 The issue for July II-18 contains a long protest from the Gentleman's Magazine, 
addressed "To the Writers against America", prophesying that if war should occur, 
"the consequence must be alike fatal to Britain, whether England or America is vic- 
torious". And the quarrel is "for what?" "For less than a shadow." In the issue 
for August 22-29, x 769, appeared an " Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman of distinc- 
tion in London to his Friend in Boston", approving of the proceedings of that town : 
" I have learnt with pleasure from the papers that the Bostonians are firm and steady, 
not to be intimidated by the presence of a military power, and not afraid of enumerating 
their grievances." 

4 Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 136. 

62 E. P. Weaver 

bly met in June, however, Campbell was able to report 1 that he " did 
not discover in them any of that licentious principle with which the 
neighboring colonies are so highly infected ". 

In October, 1773, Lieutenant-colonel Legge became governor of 
Nova Scotia. He was at Halifax for about two years and a half, and 
he made himself so unpopular that his councilors complained of him 
to the authorities at home, the principal inhabitants of Nova Scotia 
petitioned for his recall, and Francklin described him as utterly un- 
suitable for the position of governor from "his capacity, temper, and 
disposition ". Legge represented the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, in- 
cluding even the government officials, as disloyal. Francklin 2 as- 
serted that the accusations were untrue, but that Legge's conduct had 
been " too oppressive, vindictive and ungracious " ; and that he had 
" lost the confidence and affection of the King's best subjects ". In 
fact the number of the disaffected had " been greatly augmented by 
his arbitrary and impolitic conduct ". Legge's opinion that there was 
a considerable amount of disaffection in the province receives some 
corroboration from other sources. The provost marshal, Fenton, 
complained that many of the members of the assembly were " emi- 
grants from New England, who have brought the same principles 
as exist there, and are determined ", being in the majority, " to give 
the Governor and all the officers under him all the uneasiness in 
their power ". 

To the resolutions of the Congress at Philadelphia, declaring for 
non-intercourse with colonies that did not accept its measures, Nova 
Scotia paid no attention. 4 But as a matter of fact the trade of 
Halifax was by this time seriously affected, and communication even 
with England was rendered difficult. In the winter of 1774-1775, 
when the harbor of Boston was closed by the Port Bill, only one 
small vessel which was accustomed to make two voyages in the year 
came from Great Britain to trade at Halifax. 5 Legge sapiently sug- 
gested* that the way to help the loyal colonies was to place fresh 
restrictions on commerce, and thus force the industrious New Eng- 

1 Campbell to Hillsborough, June 13, 1770, MS. Volume 43, no. 100. 

2 Francklin to Dartmouth, January 2, 1776, MS. Volume 45, no. 3; Report on 
Canadian Archives, fSgp, 344. See also Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 316, and 
Francklin to John Pownall, secretary of the Board of Trade and Plantations, May 4, 
1776, MS. Volume 45 ; Report on Canadian Archives, iSg4, 349. 

3 See Extract from Fenton's letter of November 18, 1774, Report on Canadian 
Archives, 1894, 326. 

1 Legge to Dartmouth, March 6, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 59- See Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1S94, 328. 

5 Same to same, July 6, 1774, MS. Volume 44, no. 38 ; Report on Canadian Archives, 
1894, 319. 

6 Same to same, March 6, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 59. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 63 

land fisherman to abandon smuggling and come to the coast of Nova 
Scotia to seek his living from the sea. Of the bill for restricting 
the fishermen of New England he had great hopes. 1 

At the beginning of the war there appears to have been some 
danger of Nova Scotia's being lost to England. The Americans 
made more than one attempt at invasion, though these were so feeble 
that they have no place in the shorter and more general accounts of 
the struggle. 2 Open invasion, however, was not their most dan- 
gerous mode of attack. They labored to stir up the Indians and per- 
suade the settlers from Xew England to revolt, and they let loose a 
swarm of privateers to harry the coasts and destroy the fishing-boats 
and trading-vessels of the province. To make matters worse, rein- 
forcements were sent to Gage, and Halifax was left almost defense- 
less. 3 To supplement his meager force, Legge set himself to raise 
a thousand men in Xova Scotia. With this number under his com- 
mand, he said, 4 he could answer for the preservation of the province, 
though " the colonies to a man " were " prepossessed with great 
prejudice " against it. But he could place no reliance on the en- 
thusiastic loyalty of the people. The Xova Scotians were not sc 
eager as he expected to enlist in the " Royal Fencible Americans " 
as the regiment was to be called, and Legge soon decided that the 
militia were not to be depended on in the event of an attack from the 
eastern part of Xew England, as many of them came from there. 
There were moreover other evidences of disaffection. A quantity of 
hay purchased for the horses in Boston was burned, and a fire was 
discovered in the navy-yard. The two men, however, who were 
thought to be guilty of the act were declared by a resolution of the 
assembly to be " dutiful and loyal subjects of King George ". 5 

Suspected disloyalty and the lack of troops were not the only 
alarming circumstances of which Legge had to take account in esti- 
mating his chances of defending Halifax in case of attack. The 
fortifications were in a dilapidated state ; the batteries were dis- 
mantled, the gun-carriages decayed, the guns on the ground. In fact 

1 Legge to Dartmouth, April 24, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 61 ; Report on Canadian 
Archives, 18Q4, 329. 

2 See Bourinot Story of Canada (London, 1898) ; Edward Eggleston, A History 
of the Utiited Slates and its People (New York, 1888) ; Goldwin Smith, The United 
Stales (Xew York, 1893J. 

3 Legge to Dartmouth, July 31, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 71. See Report on 
Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 334, 335. Lengthy extracts from this letter and many others 
are printed in Beamish Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1866). See II, 
550, 551- 

4 See advertisement in Nova Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle, June 20, 1775 . 
See also Murdoch's History of A T ova Scotia, II, 539. 

5 Ibid. 

64 E. P. Weaver 

there were no defenses round the town, and it lay " open to the 
country on every side "} Provisions were scarce, partly through the 
effort to supply the royal troops at Boston, and partly through " the 
defection of the southern colonies ", 2 upon which Halifax had been 
accustomed to depend for supplies. It was also difficult to obtain 
fuel, owing in a measure at least to the fact that persons bringing 
fuel to market were frequently pressed for the navy. The same 
cause interfered with the " provision of fish ". In addition to his 
other duties he was now called on to care for the New England 
refugees, provide them with land, and furnish food to those in need. 3 
Gage believed that some of these refugees from New England were 
tainted with disloyalty. 

To meet this danger, all persons, "not settled inhabitants ", who 
came into town were required to give notice to the magistrate on pain 
of being treated as spies, and all innkeepers were to give notice of the 
arrival of strangers, " on pain of the like penalty ". It was also 
decided 4 that persons coming from the rebellious colonies, besides 
taking the ordinary oath of allegiance, must declare their submission 
to the king and the parliament, and their detestation of the proceed- 
ings of the rebels. The magistrates had by a proclamation been 
required " to apprehend all disloyal persons stirring up or making 
disturbances ", and there seems to have been occasionally some harsh- 
ness in the performance of this duty. For instance, 5 in June, 1775, 
the magistrates of Annapolis county " apprehended Mr. Howard, the 
dissenting teacher ", though " he had not been guilty of any mis- 
demeanour since his arrival in this Province, but had behaved himself 
discreetly, and as became a good subject ". He was nevertheless 
brought to " town in the custody of the Provost Marshal " and was 
informed that " information had been given against him, from New 
England that he had at several times held forth seditious discourses 
tending to alienate the minds of the King's subjects ". The gov- 
ernor had therefore thought it necessary that he should be warned 
against such behavior, " as he would avoid a commitment to prison 
and a prosecution at law ", but on promising " a dutiful, loyal be- 
haviour ", he was allowed to depart. 

During the latter part of this year, the rumors of an intended 

1 Legge to Dartmouth, August 19, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 76 ; Report on Cana- 
dian Archives, 1894, 336. 

2 See Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 268. 

3 Dartmouth to Legge, July I, 1775, MS. Volume 32, no. 31. See Report on Cana- 
dian Archives, 1894, 332. 

4 Legge to Dartmouth, December 22, 1 775 , MS. Volume 44, no. 86. See Report 
on Canacian Archives, 1894, 342. 

5 Council Book IV, MS. Volume 212, 254. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 


invasion of Nova Scotia kept the governor and his councilors in a 
condition of constant excitement and alarm. But in spite of their 
anxiety they found time for frequent quarrels among themselves and 
with the assembly. The governor wished to make certain changes 
in the constitution of that body. 1 The assembly hotly resented his 
proposals, telling him with characteristic freedom of language that 
" dictatorial powers may be necessary to quell insurrections, or to 
rule a disaffected people, but where no such principles exist, the ex- 
ertions of such powers will create them ". The councilors in their 
turn declared that the assertions of the assembly were " illiberal, 
groundless ", and could not be supported. All parties besieged the 
unfortunate secretary of state with charges and countercharges, and 
in due time came a message from the king that he was displeased with 
" the dissensions of the Provincial Governments over trivial mat- 
ters ". 2 

During these early years of the war, Halifax feared attack. 
There were rumors of expeditions against it that were disquieting, 3 
for the place was quite without proper defenses, and to make them 
was a matter of difficulty. Men did not readily volunteer, and the 
measures adopted to fill the ranks were not successful. 4 There was 
moreover opposition to the taxes imposed for the support of the 
troops. The people were poor, and here, as in the other colonies, 
taxes were an unwelcome reminder of authority. A petition from 
Cumberland county shows that considerable democratic spirit was 
latent there : 5 

We must beg leave to say that it appears to ocular demonstration 
that those who voted for the said Bills were utterly unacquainted with 
the state of the Province. The law being intended for the safety of the 
inhabitants . . . they should have been consulted thereon. . . . The 
dispute arising between Great Britain and the colonies has no way reached 
this quarter, nor can we find any grounds of complaint, wherein any 
acts of violence have been committed or hostilities commenced in any 
part of this province, except the destroying the fort at St John's River, 
which appeared rather an act of inconsideration than otherwise, nor are 
we anyways apprehensive of any danger from them, except this Militia 
Bill is enforced. Those of us who belong to New England, being 
invited into the Province by Governor Lawrence's proclamation, it must 
be the greatest piece of cruelty and imposition for them to be subjected 
to march into different parts in arms against their friends and relations. 

1 See Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 256-259. 

2 Suffolk to Legge, October 16, 1775 ; Report on Canadian Archives, i8g4, 339. 
3 Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 253, 272, 273, 280. 

♦Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 287, 296, 301. See also "Transcripts 
relating to the American Revolution from the Massachusetts Public Records", MS. 
Volume 364, paper 6. 

5 MS. Volume 364, paper 8. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 5. 

66 E. P. Weaver 

. . . The impossibility of supporting troops in our present exigencies 
must be obvious to every judicious and impartial eye that beholds us. 
No medium of trade — not ,£150 cash circulating among us and that at 
the command of a few persons, no way to pay our debts, but in the way 
of barter, no commerce carried on with other parts, must consequently 
render it most calamitous and wretched, nay, it is a matter not to be 
doubted that the inhabitants cannot do it. [In conclusion they requested 
the governor] ... to suspend putting the said Militia and tax Bill into 
execution, till a further deliberation . . . and to dissolve the present 
house of Assembly and issue precepts for a new choice. 

Meanwhile there were other indications that the New England 
settlers in the province were far from being satisfied and that an 
effort to gather the militia might precipitate a conflict. 1 It is difficult 
to say how much reliance is to be placed on the testimony to this 
effect, but it seems to have determined the governor not to summon 
the militia, 2 and he was evidently unwilling to attempt disarming 
the disaffected. The attempt could not however have precipitated 
a very bloody struggle, since the disaffected were without ammuni- 
tion 3 and the loyalists almost as destitute. But besides those sus- 
pected of downright disloyalty, there were some who were half- 
hearted in their support of the governor's authority, and desired to 
" remain neuter " in case of an attack on the province, which, 
throughout the winter of 1775 4 seemed a very real danger. 

In the meantime the royal army had been forced to evacuate Bos- 
ton, and had arrived at Halifax. This was of course a heavy blow to 
the king's cause, but the coming of the troops, and of the large 
number of loyalists who accompanied them, increased the strength of 
Nova Scotia relatively to that of the disaffected colonies. This, how- 
ever, was not the beginning of the influx of refugees. During the 
previous year many loyalists had removed to Nova -Scotia, and their 
coming had been encouraged, as has already been mentioned, by 
grants of land, and, in some cases, of provisions. The authorities 
appear to have been actuated by something like a settled policy of 
making Nova Scotia a center and stronghold of loyalty. Upon re- 
ceiving Dartmouth's despatch respecting the treatment of refugees, 
Legge issued a proclamation to those likely to seek an asylum in 
Nova Scotia. This he endeavored to "spread on the Continent", 5 

'Captain Stanton to Legge, December 4, 1775 ; Report on Canadian Archives, iSg4, 


2 Council Book. IV, MS. Volume 212, 302; Legge to Dartmouth, January 11, 
1776, Report oil Canadian Archives, i8g4, 345. 

3 Legge to Dartmouth, December 22, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 86; Report on 
Canadian Archives, i8g4, 342. 

* See Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 300. 

6 Legge to Dartmouth, October 17, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 78. See Report on 
Canadian Archives, /Sg4, 339. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 67 

though, owing to the scarcity of provisions, he found great difficulty 
in supplying the promised rations. He entreated 1 that flour and 
pork and butter should be sent from the British Isles. In the mean- 
time he proposed to make the loyalists an allowance in cash, so that 
they might supply themselves as best they could at the markets, 
where, however, the price of all food was doubled. In the spring 
of 1776, Legge reported 2 that the rebels were trying to prevent the 
loyalists from leaving New England for Nova Scotia, but stated in 
the same letter that he had been informed by Howe that two hun- 
dred families, many of them poor, would soon arrive at Halifax. In 
less than a month there came fifty transports 3 crowded with people 
from Boston who had remained faithful to their old allegiance. 
Their coming strained to the utmost the resources of the little town, 
though the governor and council did their utmost to prevent dis- 
tress, issuing numerous regulations and proclamations. 4 They fixed 
the price of fresh meat at one shilling per pound (Halifax cur- 
rency), of butter at one shilling six pence per pound, and of milk at 
six pence per quart. They also decreed that no one must charge 
more than double the ordinary rent for rooms or houses, and de- 
clared that the laws against regrating and forestalling would be 
strictly enforced. But, in spite of all regulations, the price of beef 
speedily rose 5 to two shillings and six pence per pound and that of 
butter to five shillings per pound, while people had to cook in the 
streets in cabooses from the ships. When Howe sailed with his 
army from Halifax on June 10, a vast number of women and chil- 
dren were left behind, to be provided for as cheaply as possible by 
General Massey, then in command of the garrison. With this object 
he hired a schooner, which he named the Charity, to supply the 
refugees and the invalids with fish. Before winter a number of the 
refugees, " frightened at the cold and the high price of provisions ", G 
left Halifax, but many remained in the province. As we have seen, 
Legge had been impressed by the difficulties of his administration and 
had written constantly of disaffection and danger, which, no doubt, 
his own lack of judgment tended to increase. For his fears there 

'Legge to Dartmouth, November 27, 1775, MS. Volume 44, no. 82. See Report 
on Canadian Archives, i8g4, 341. 

2 Legge to Dartmouth, March 18, 1776, MS. Volume 45, no. 9. See Report on 
Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 348. 

3 Legge to Germain, April 10, 1776, MS. Volume 45, no. 10. See Report on 
Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 349. 

4 Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 315. 

3 See Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, I (1878), 53- 54- 
6 Massey to Germain, June 27, 1776, MS. Volume 365, no. 13. See Report on Cana- 
dian Archives, i8q4, 35 1 . See also Massey to Germain, October 6, 1776. Ibid., 354. 

68 E. P. Weaver 

appear to have been some reasons ; for, though his successor. 
Lieutenant-governor Arbuthnot, announced that all were " in perfect 
good humour " in the colony, 1 he also described the New-Englanders 
and Acadians as " bitter bad subjects ". On the other hand, early 
in 1776 as many as five hundred men, including some from the 
free-spoken people of Cumberland county, 2 were enrolled in the 
militia, and the assembly that met in June voted a loyal address con- 
secrating their lives and fortunes to the service of the king. 

Of the threatened attacks upon Nova Scotia little need be said. 
Massachusetts was interested in attempts at invasion, but they were 
altogether unsuccessful. Throughout the war the authorities at 
Halifax were suspicious of the intentions of the New-Englanders on 
their borders, the more so, as there was difficulty in obtaining infor- 
mation of their movements. In the summer of 1779 a counter attack 
was made. An expedition swooped down from Halifax on Penob- 
scot and took possession of the peninsula where Castine now is. 3 
An effort to recover it was unsuccessful, and that region remained 
in the possession of the British till the end of the war. 

Perhaps the Indians were the chief source of danger to the prov- 
ince, for effort was made by the agents both of New England and 
of Nova Scotia to gain or retain the friendship of the Micmacs and 
the St. John River Indians. 

John Allan of Cumberland county, appointed in 1777 Indian 
agent for Massachusetts, 5 sought to win the friendship of the red 
men for the cause of the revolting colonies, but he met with little 
success. Governor Francklin succeeded in persuading the St. John 
Indians to give up to him a treaty that they had made with Massa- 
chusetts, in which they had promised to send six hundred men to join 
Washington's arm}', and he also induced them to swear " on the Holy 
Scriptures " to hold no communication with Machias, to follow their 
hunting and fishing quietly, and to warn the English of designs 
against their garrisons. It was always Francklin's great object to 
keep the Indians quiet, for he feared that, once thoroughly roused, 
they might turn their arms against the English, and an Indian war, 
vigorously carried on, would cause the utmost confusion and dis- 

1 Arbuthnot to Germain, undated, MS. Volume 45, no. 21 ; see also same to same, 
December 31, 1 776, MS. Volume 45, no. 32, Report on Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 358. 

2 Francklin to Pownall, May 4, 1776, MS. Volume 45, no. 15. See also Report on 
Canadian Archives, i8g4, 348. 

3 Hughes to Haldimand, June 20, 1779, Report on Canadian Archives, 1SS8, 567. 

4 Hughes to Germain, September 2, 1779, MS. Volume 45, no. 75 ; Report on Cana- 
dian Archives, i8q4, 383. 

5 Journal of Allan, January 16, 1777, in MS. Volume 364, paper 96. 
G Copy of oath taken by Indians September 24, 1778, and January 19, 1779, Dor- 
chester Papers, Volume I, MS. Volume 368, 83. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 69 

tress. He was especially apprehensive of this when there were 
rumors that a French fleet was hovering on the coasts, for the attach- 
ment of the Indians to the French was still strong. 1 

But if upon the whole the interests of the province were safe on 
land, the little commerce it possessed was far from safe at sea. As 
early as Xovember 30, 1775, it was reported that two New England 
schooners had captured twenty-two ships, and six months later the 
judges of the Supreme Court actually represented that it would be 
unsafe to hold the regular courts 2 in Cumberland, Annapolis, and 
King's counties because of the danger from " pirates " in the Bay 
of Fundy. The ground of this judicial timidity is not altogether 
clear, and it was eventually decided to hold the courts ; but, though 
the seamen did not so far forget their trade as to attack the courts, 
nothing afloat seemed to be secure. " Rebel pirates ", wrote the 
governor, " have entered our defenceless harbours indiscriminately 
from Cape Sable to very near this port, landed to the great terror 
of the well-affected people ; cut out several vessels, and done much 
mischief ". 3 At a later time it was reported by Hughes, the suc- 
cessor of Arbuthnot, that the " pirates " had stations to the east and 
west of Halifax, knew what ships came to the harbor, and lay on the 
watch for them. 4 Naturally the New-Englanders did not have 
everything their own way, for privateers were fitted out in Nova 
Scotia to prey upon such of the commerce of the enemy as might be 
found. 5 

This kind of warfare provoked much bitter feeling ; and other 
causes were at work to diminish the sympathy that at first existed 
between Nova Scotia and New England. Chief among these was a 
kind of natural selection, which at once impelled the warmest advo- 
cates of colonial rights to leave a province where they were in the 
minority, and inclined the loyalists to seek a refuge where their polit- 
ical principles were still held in respect. When at last Great Britain 
gave up the contest, it was to Nova Scotia that thousands of the van- 
quished party turned in the hope of building up a new country under 
the flag and traditions of their forefathers. General Sir Guy 
Carleton was besieged with memorials and petitions from the loyalists, 
to which he seems fi to have attended with patience and kindness. 

1 Francklin to Clinton, August 2, 1779, Dorchester Papers, Volume I, MS. Volume 
368, 84-89. 

2 Council Book, IV, MS. Volume 212, 318. 

3 Arbuthnot to Germain, October 8, 1776, MS. Volume 45 ; Report on Canadian 
Archive:, 1894, 354. 

♦Hughes to Germain, ibid., undated, MS. Volume 45, 70. 
5 See Council Book, IV, October 14, 1779, MS. Volume 212, 372. 
6 See numerous letters and memorials in Dorchester Military Papers, II, MS. 
Volume 369. 

jo E. P. Weaver 

Most of the refugees that went to Nova Scotia had collected at 
New York under the protection of the British army, but they came 
originally from all the different colonies. They were of all classes, 
from lawyers, clergymen, and merchants down to slaves. Usually 
a number of families and single men grouped themselves together 
in one party, and made application for lands, etc., through one or two 
men, acting as agents for the rest. In most cases the refugees were 
conveyed to Nova Scotia and were supplied with rations, tools, and 
other necessaries at the expense of the British government. 1 In 
spite of this assistance, they suffered many and severe privations. 
At the close of the war, different parts of Nova Scotia and Canada 
saw a repetition of the scenes which had occurred at Halifax on the 
arrival of Howe's army. For instance, it is recorded 2 that in 
October, 1782, nine transports, escorted by two men-of-war, arrived 
at Annapolis with five hundred refugees. Others soon followed. 
Several hundred were stowed in the church, a building only sixty by 
forty feet, and the rent of small unfurnished rooms went up to three 
dollars per week. A little later there arrived at Halifax five hundred 
loyalists from Charleston, South Carolina, who, being ill-provided 
with both clothing and shelter, suffered pitiably from the cold. 3 
Such instances might be multiplied indefinitely. By the summer of 
1784, it was estimated 4 that 30,000 loyalists had settled in Nova 
Scotia. Their settlement was not effected without a good deal of fric- 
tion and dissatisfaction, 5 but the letters of those in authority give the 
impression of an earnest desire to assist all who had suffered on ac- 
count of their adherence to the royal cause, and by the end of 1784, 
Governor Parr was happily able to report 6 that the refugees were 
contented and getting on well. 

Efforts had been made, both in Nova Scotia and in Canada, to 
settle them along the international boundary, so as to strengthen 
the British hold on the country in the event of difficulty with the 

•North to the Governor of Nova Scotia, May 5, 1783, Dorchester Papers, II, MS. 
Volume 369, paper 181. 

2 See Halifax Herald, May 8, 1897, for an article quoting the "Journal of Jacob 
Bailey ", which is now in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See also 
Parr to Townshend, October 26, 1782, MS. Volume 45, no. 116 ; h'eport on Canadian 
Archives, i8q4, 401. 

3 Same to same, December 7, 1782, MS. Volume 45, no. 1 19. See also Parr to 
Nepean, January 22, 1782, Report on Canadian Archives, i8q4, 402. 

4 Parr to Sydney, August 13, 1784, MS. Volume 47, no. 27 ; Report on Canadian 
Archives, i8g4, 423. 

5 Parr to Sydney, April 10, 1784, MS. Volume 47, no. 23 ; also letters quoted in 
Report on Canadian Archives, i8q4, 417-419. 

6 Parr to Sydney, December 27, 1784, and Parr to Nepean, Jauuary 2, 1785, Report 
on Canadian Archives, 18Q4, 430. 

Nova Scotia During the Revolution 71 

new republic — a contingency which by the War of 1812 was unfor- 
tunately proved to merit consideration. But, apart from questions 
of defense, the importance to the British provinces of the settlement 
of the loyalists can hardly be overestimated. In fact, it may be 
doubted whether the present Dominion of Canada does not owe its 
very existence to these refugees. The necessity for keeping faith 
with those Americans who had fought and suffered for the royal 
cause probably prevented the British ministers from throwing away, 
at the close of the war, the despised remnants of England's dominion 
in America, till that time so extensive. Moreover, had they retained 
the French colony of Canada, then hardly resigned to British rule, 
and the one British colony of Nova Scotia, with its meager popula- 
tion of 14,000 souls, these provinces, without the loyalists, would 
not long have been able to resist absorption by the young nation to 
the south. But the coming of the refugees trebled the population 
of British descent, and the loyalists carried to their new homes senti- 
ments and traditions of passionate attachment to monarchical institu- 
tions and to the British connection, which have borne fruit in the 
deep-rooted though less demonstrative loyalty of the modern 

Emily P. Weaver. 

'See Morse's return, quoted in Report on Canadian Archives, /8g4, 412. 


It is but a truism that the greatest value of history lies in the 
lesson, intellectual and moral, to be learned therefrom; and in all 
history there is perhaps no movement which is more profoundly in- 
structive in both these aspects than the annexation of Texas. No 
clash of opposing political and social forces, no mclcc of antagonistic 
human impulses, within the record has given better opportunity to 
distinguish the wisdom of the ages from the imperious conviction of 
the moment. But it is unsafe to consider any historical question 
primarily from the didactic standpoint. In such case, as experience 
has shown, insight is too often dulled by belief, and investigation 
misled by prejudice. The first concern, therefore, of every student 
of history should be the fact ; from that alone can the true lesson 
be obtained. In accordance with this principle, I shall give atten- 
tion, within the limits assigned me, mainly to the actual happenings 
of the annexation movement, only now and then touching upon 
their deep significance. 

The subject of this paper is best approached by a brief summary 
of the events which led to the movement under consideration. This 
movement was begun by Texas 1 and was, it seems to me, a natural 
result of the Anglo-American occupation of that country and of the 
revolution which separated it from Mexico. 

The Anglo-American influx into Texas began while the western 
boundary of the expanding United States yet rested on the Missis- 
sippi. The Louisiana purchase made this line coterminous on the 
southwest with the northeastern limit of Mexico, but the common 
boundary was not determined till 1819, when, for the sake of Florida, 
whatever claims the United States may have had to Texas were 
definitely given up. The intruders, however, continued to cross the 
Sabine without permission until the eve of the revolution which made 
Mexico independent of Spain. From that time forward the move- 
ment changed its nature and took on a colonizing aspect. The 
Anglo-Americans were allowed to enter freely as immigrants, and 
inducements to come were offered them in the shape of liberal allot- 
ments of land. By 1830 the Mexican government had become un- 
easy concerning the growth of an essentially alien population in 

1 Of course the suggestion is much older than the movement. I have not under- 
taken to trace the beginnings of the idea. 


Movement for the Annexation of Texas 73 

Texas and issued a decree forbidding further immigration from the 
United States. Nevertheless the immigrants continued to come, in 
considerable numbers at least. Finally in 1835 occurred the in- 
evitable clash, which resulted in the expulsion of the Mexicans in 
1836 and the independence of Texas. 1 

The Texas revolution passed, in its development, through two 
states. In its first phase it was a struggle for the Mexican Consti- 
tution of 1824, in which Texas alone held out against the centralizing 
policy of Santa Anna after a similar resistance on the part of 
Zacatecas and Coahuila had been crushed by force. But after the 
colonists had definitely refused, in November, 1835, to claim inde- 
pendence, and after they had captured Cos's army at San Antonio 
and had cleared their soil of Mexican troops, it became evident that 
there was no hope of cooperation from the Liberals in Mexico, and 
that Texas must either submit or abandon the confederation. These 
alternatives had made themselves clear by January 1, 1836, and from 
that time forward the aim of the struggle was for independence. 

Meanwhile a commission consisting of Stephen F. Austin, Wil- 
liam H. Wharton, and Branch T. Archer had been sent to the 
United States to do Texas such service as it could. The principal 
work of the commissioners lay in stirring up public sentiment on 
behalf of the Texans and securing aid for them in men and money ; 
but their letters indicate that they considered themselves instructed 
to negotiate for the recognition of the new republic, and, under cer- 
tain contingencies, also for its annexation to the United States. 

While the commissioners were in New Orleans in January, 1836, 
they prepared a design for a Texas flag, which was peculiarly sug- 
gestive of the importance they attached to the relations connected 
with the idea of annexation. It had — or was meant to have — the 
thirteen stripes of the United States flag, with the red changed to 
blue, and in the upper left-hand corner, instead of the stars, was the 
British union with red stripes on a white field. On the fly was a 
sun encircled by the motto Lux Libcrtatis, and on the face of the 
sun was the head of Washington, underneath which were the words, 
" In his example there is safety ". The whole would undoubtedly 
have taken the first prize for complication at any world's fair ever 
held. The meaning of it is partly explained in Austin's own words : 

■The assertion made by John Quincy Adams in Congress, December 12, 1837, 
based on statements in Mayo's Political Sketches of Eight Yea>s in Washington [Niks' 
Register, LIII, 266), to the effect that the revolutionizing of Texas was the result of 
a conspiracy planned by Sam Houston, was incorrect. Von Hoist apparently credits the 
story {Constitutional History of the United Stales, II, 562), and Schouler definitely 
accepts it {History of the United States, IV, 25 1 ) ; but the Texan revolution cannot be 
explained in this way. See The Nation for August 13, 1903, 133-134. 

74 G. P. Garrison 

" The shape of the English jack indicates the origin of the North 
American people. The stripes indicate the immediate descent of the 
most of the Texans "} It would seem that the design was intended 
especially as an appeal for recognition both by the United States 
and by England, but it was doubtless intended to suggest annexation 
as well. 

Annexation, in fact, appears to have been the irresistible con- 
clusion of the Texan logic from the moment that the colonists deter- 
mined to break away from Mexico. The independence that necessity 
had forced them to assert was not desired for its own sake. It in- 
volved many problems that they were ill prepared to face, and from 
which admission to the United States would be a happy escape. 
Nearly all of them had been born and reared in that country, 2 and 
they were much attached to it and desirous, to the point of eager- 
ness, to renew their citizenship therein. It is evident that they did 
not appreciate the difficulties connected with annexation. If they 
themselves were willing freely to offer the rich gift of Texas to the 
American Union, how could it, in any rational spirit, be declined ? 
To them the idea was one not easily comprehended. Even the com- 
missioners did not discover the strength of the anti-Texas feeling in 
the United States. They wrote home from Washington, April 6, 
1836, while Houston was still retreating before the Mexican army, 
and while the outlook for Texas — though the commissioners did not 
then know it — was darkest, that they thought the United States 
government was ready to recognize Texas and, if it so desired, to 
admit it into the Union on liberal terms. The want, however, of 
official news from their government and of proper credentials for 
themselves prevented them from giving their judgment any test. 

The commissioners already named were replaced in March, 1836, 
by Messrs. George C. Childress and Robert Hamilton ; and these two, 
in June following, by James Collinsworth and P. W. Grayson. 
Meanwhile the Mexicans had been utterly defeated and driven from 
Texas, leaving their general, Santa Anna, and several hundred of 
his men prisoners. In September the permanent government of 
Texas was organized by a general election at which the question of 
annexation was submitted to the people, and a practically unanimous 
vote was cast in favor of the measure. 3 At this election Sam Hous- 

1 The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, III, 172. The design 
did not commend itself to the Texas authorities ; but their objection, I think it can be 
shown, was not to its significance. 

2 See the address of the General Council of Texas to the Citizens of the United 
States, October 26, 1835. Miles' Register, XLIX, 234-235. 

3 There were 3,277 for, and qi against it. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 7 5 

ton was chosen president. He appointed Stephen F. Austin secre- 
tary of state, and William H. Wharton minister to the United States. 
A little later Memucan Hunt was sent to act in conjunction with 
Wharton, and Fairfax Catlett was appointed secretary of legation 
with the authority of charge when the ministers should be absent 
from Washington. 

The negotiations that went on between the two governments from 
the expulsion of the Mexicans up to the end of the Jackson adminis- 
tration, March 4, 1837, referred primarily to the question of recog- 
nition; but the subject was always considered with that of annexa- 
tion, to which recognition was prerequisite, more or less in view. 
Recognition came at length in the closing days of that administration 
by legislative action that was virtually final. It is impossible to 
detail here the whole course of the negotiation, but it may be worth 
while to note some features of the correspondence relating more 
directly to annexation, because of the light it affords as to the situa- 
tion on both sides. 

In regard to the attitude of the United States authorities, the 
letters of the Texan commissioners to their government serve to 
indicate that they were, on the whole, assured of sympathy. To 
President Burnet, Austin wrote from New Orleans, June 10, 1836, 
that he believed that if he had been furnished with the necessary 
official documents, he could have secured recognition before leaving 
Washington. The feeling there was decidedly ardent in favor of 
Texas. On July 16 Collinsworth and Grayson wrote President 
Burnet that they had had two interviews with' Secretary Forsyth 
and had found him uncommunicative ; but he had stated that he 
knew the annexation of Texas was a favorite measure — when it 
could be accomplished with propriety — of President Jackson's. 1 
Again, August 11, Grayson wrote W. H. Jack, then secretary of 
state under Houston, as follows : " As I have said before, there is 
in my mind no doubt that the present Administration, can carry the 
measure of Annexation, — General Jackson feels the utmost solicitude 
for it and we know how much that will count." 2 November 13, 
Collinsworth wrote that he had secured an interview with President 
Jackson and had been informed that nothing could be done until 
after a report from the United States agent that had been sent to 
Texas; and he added that, without pretending to have official infor- 

1 Diplomatic, Consular, and Domestic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, 
file 295. This collection, of which the full title is given in this instance, will be cited 
hereafter simply as Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas. 

*IHd., file 618. 

76 G. P. Garrison 

mation, he thought it safe to hazard the opinion that Jackson was in 
favor of the measures contained in their instructions. 1 

Now and then a note of doubt brings discord into this cheerful 
song of diplomacy. For example, Fairfax Catlett writes to Austin 
from Mobile, January n, 1837, after having read Jackson's message 
of December 21 : 

You have doubtless by this time received President Jackson's message 
in relation to Texas affairs. I cannot express the regret, with which I 
gradually awoke to the unwelcome truth, that he is opposed to the imme- 
diate recognition of Texian independence. I did not anticipate so cold- 
blooded a policy from him. 

Such fears and depressing speculations, however, are only for a 
moment. So long as Jackson is President, the general tone of the 
correspondence is sometimes impatient, but almost invariably hope- 
ful. Catlett himself continues in the same letter as follows : 

There is something within me however, that whispers that the mes- 
sage was a message of expediency not intended to sway the Congress 
from a just and generous measure, but to lull the jealousy of foreign 
powers, and gull the national vanity of miserable Mexico, while the work 
goes not the less surely on, and approaches the culmination of all that 
you most desire ; — not only recognition but annexation likewise. 

On the Texas side appears a strong and practically unanimous 
desire for annexation, and confidence that it will not be long delayed. 
In his letter of September 12, 1836, from Velasco, Henry M. Morfit, 
the agent whom Jackson had sent to Texas, informed Forsyth, after 
summarizing the conditions on which Burnet's cabinet had agreed 
to offer the new-born republic to the United States, that 

the desire of the people to be admitted into our confederacy is so 
prevailing, that any conditions will be acceptable which will include the 
guaranty of a republican form of government, and will not impair the 
obligations of contracts. The old settlers are composed, for the most 
part, of industrious farmers, who are tired of the toils of war, and are 
anxious to raise up their families under the auspices of good laws, and 
leave them the inheritance of a safe and free government. 2 

Austin's instructions to Wharton, which are dated November 18, 
1836, advise him that he is to make every effort to accomplish the 
second great object of his mission — annexation, and they give a 
lengthy and moderate discussion of the subject in almost every 
aspect. 3 December 10, Austin wrote Wharton 4 : 

1 Ibid., file 279. 

2 House Ex. Doc. 35, Vol. 2, 24 Cong., 2 sess., 26-27. 
^Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 52. 
*I6id., file 58. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 7 7 

Public anxiety is unabated on the subject of annexation to the U. S. 
The opinion in favor of that measure is much more decisive, if possible, 
than when you left. It is therefore expected that you will press that 
matter with as much earnestness as prudence will permit. 

Xor did the Texans appear to be over-solicitous about the condi- 
tions on which annexation was to be secured. Morfit's expression 
on this point has been quoted already. The instructions to Wharton 
state, in general terms, that he must guard the right of Texas to 
become a state without delay on an equal footing with the others ; to 
subdivide its territory into other states as might suit itself, the limit 
of the number being fixed ; to retain possession of the public domain, 
unless the United States assumed the Texas debt ; to have the acts 
of its government held valid ; to be free from restrictions on slavery 
not imposed on the other slaveholding states ; etc. One of the most 
interesting features of the instructions is that which authorizes the 
minister, in case the Rio Grande is seriously objected to as the bound- 
ary line with [Mexico, to agree to a line much farther north, which, 
had it been adopted, would have left in possession of that country all 
the Mexican settlements over which Texas had not fully established 
jurisdiction. Another despatch dated December 10, 1 and apparently 
written subsequent to the one for that day already mentioned, adds 
the following : 

It is certainly desirable that Texas should enter the American Union 
at once, and undivided; but should you discover that this condition, if 
positively insisted upon, is likely materially to affect the main object, 
which is annexation ; I am directed by the President to say, that you are 
at liberty to waive it, and agree to a territorial Government, with the 
necessary guarantees as to a state Govt., as soon as it is petitioned for. 
This Govt, has too much confidence in the just and liberal principles by 
which the United States are governed, to doubt that full and ample jus- 
tice will not be done us in every respect. 

The additional instructions given at the time of Hunt's appoint- 
ment, which are dated December 31, 1836, and signed by J. P. Hen- 
derson, acting secretary of state, inform him that the second main 
object of his mission is: 

The annexation of this Country to the United States either as a 
seperate State to be on equal footing with the other States of the Union 
or as a Territory with the right to admission into the Union as a State 
when she can number a sufficient amount of population to entitle her to 
admission according to the Laws of the United States 2 . 

It is easy to see that the complications of the affair, which were 
serious enough at the outset, but which grew rapidly as the negotia- 

1 Ibid., file 58. 

2 Ibid., file 701. 

7 8 G. P. Garrison 

tions progressed, were such as to invite diplomatic chess play, and it 
soon began. If the mother-country of Texas would not cultivate 
sufficiently cordial relations with her runaway children, England and 
France might ; and if the guards of the treaty portal refused to open 
at their request, some other entrance to the old home might be found. 
It may have been that the Texas diplomatists were not as smooth and 
wary as Van Buren and Forsyth, but they soon showed themselves to 
be resourceful. In the instructions by Acting Secretary of State 
Henderson to Minister Hunt, quoted in the last paragraph, the argu- 
ment is suggested to Mr. Hunt that 

in the event of [the refusal of (?)] that Government to receive 
this country into the Union either as a State or as a Territory it may 
become necessary for Texas to form a Treaty of Amity and Commerce 
with England or some other European power which would forever and 
entirely preclude the people of the United States from enjoying any of 
the benefits resulting to Texas from the richness of her soil, commerce, 
etc etc These reasons may be very forcibly impressed particularly 
upon the Representatives of the Northern States from whom we may 
expect to meet the greatest opposition, because should Texas be attached 
to the United States the immense consumption of those articles principally 
manufactured in the Northern States will more than compensate for the 
additional strength which its annexation will add to the political influence 
of the south. 

A little further along in the same document Henderson advises 
Hunt as follows : 

In the event that there should be doubts entertained whether a treaty 
made with this Government for its annexation to the United States would 
be ratified by a constitutional majority of the Senate of the United 
States you are instructed to call the attention of the authorities of that 
Government to the propriety and the practacability of passing a law by 
both houses (in which it would require a bare majority) taking in this 
Country as a part of her Territory, this 1 law could be passed, (provided 
Congress has the power to do so) based upon the vote of the people of 
Texas at the last election but in framing such an act great care should be 
used in order to secure all of the rights of Texas and its citizens as fully 
as you are instructed to have them attended to in any treaty which may 
be made, if 1 such an act is passed you can give that Government the 
fullest assurance that it will be approved by this Government and people. 
But inasmuch as this is rather a novel position you will speak of it with 
great prudence and caution. 

This is the first definite suggestion which I have been able to 
find of the expedient made so familiar by its later use in securing 
annexation when the method by treaty had failed. The instructions 
of Austin to Wharton, November 18, 1836, indicate the possibility 
of a second available string for the annexation bow, but it is only 

1 So in the original, but this word should have begun a new sentence. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 79 

by a somewhat uncertain implication. Wharton is to use his " dis- 
cretion as to the proper mode of bringing . . . [the subject] before 
the executive or Congress ". It may be that the use of the word 
" Congress " is inadvertent, and that the meaning is that Wharton 
shall simply use his discretion in seeking to secure favorable action 
by the United States Senate. This construction, however, appears 
improbable. It is more likely that the alternative form of Austin's 
expression reflects the idea of a real alternative in the method by 
which annexation may be obtained. His statement implies that the 
subject may be laid either before the executive or before Congress, 
and in either case Wharton is to use his discretion as to the way in 
which he shall proceed. It is true that whenever Austin, in the 
same instructions and in other documents, mentions the contem- 
plated contract of annexation, he calls it a " treaty ", and in one 
place he even says that annexation " must be effected by a formal 
treaty which must be ratified by the Senate of Texas, in conformity 
with the Constitution " ; but it seems likely that in most cases he is 
using the word " treaty " rather in the general sense of an inter- 
national agreement than in its technical significance in the United 
States or the Republic of Texas. 

The idea of annexation by act of Congress is found also in 
another document originating in a quarter far distant from Texas, 
and so nearly contemporaneous with Austin's letter to Wharton as 
to preclude the likelihood of any direct connection between them. 
This is the message of Governor McDuffie of South Carolina to the 
legislature of that state on his retirement from office in 1836. 1 He 
said : 

You are doubtless aware that the people of Texas, by an almost unan- 
imous vote, have expressed their desire to be admitted into our confeder- 
acy, and application will probably be made to congress for that purpose. 
In my opinion, congress ought not even to entertain such a proposition, 
in the present state of the controversy. 

The report made by the Senate Committee 2 on Federal Relations, 
to which this part of the message was referred, expresses the convic- 
tion that when Texas has established a de facto government clothed 
with all the attributes of sovereignty and independence, the questions 
of recognition and of annexation may safely be confided to Congress. 

The recognition of the independence of Texas cleared the way for 
the direct effort to secure annexation ; but the struggle involved had 
shown the Texans how many and how great were the difficulties to 

1 Miles' Register, LI, 229-230. 

2 Ibid,, 277. The House report is ibid., 2.4,1. 

So G. P. Garrison 

be overcome. Their desire was unchanged ; but enthusiasm was giv- 
ing way to circumspection, and they were learning to curb their 
eagerness. Five months were suffered to elapse before Hunt, who 
was now sole minister of Texas at Washington, 1 took up the matter 
officially with the United States government. But, before this phase 
of the movement can be considered, it becomes necessary to explain 
the difficulties I have mentioned ; and the most serious of them, I 
need hardly say, arose from the growing opposition of the North to 

Up to the time of the Texan revolution, the influence of slavery 
in the political and social development of Texas had been of some 
importance, but it had not had the effect which historians have 
usually represented. The colonization of Texas was but another 
wave of the same tide of expansion that had already carried Anglo- 
American civilization westward over the Alleghenies and across the 
Mississippi. The causes of it had little connection with slavery. 
The friction with Mexico brought about by the antislavery legisla- 
tion of the Mexican government served for one or two brief periods 
to retard the growth of the colonies, but it disappeared before 1830 
and played no appreciable part in bringing on the revolution. Neither 
was the material help given Texas from the United States in the 
course of the revolution the result, in my opinion, of any systematic 
thought for the expansion of slavery. The principal motive that 
carried " volunteer immigrants ", as they were called, to Texas dur- 
ing the latter part of 1835 and the first part of the following year is 
well illustrated by an anecdote published in the Texas Almanac for 
186.1 (p. 75) and attributed to General H. D. McLeod. It is to the 
effect that when Ward's battalion, which had been raised in Georgia, 
was passing through Montgomery, Alabama, on its way to Texas in , 
the winter of 1835, it paraded for recruiting purposes. A flag at the 
head of the column bore the motto " Texas and Liberty " ; but, as 
the battalion marched along the street, a wit among the bystanders 
suggested that the words be changed to " Texas, Liberty, and Land ". 
This joke puts the matter in a nutshell. I am aware that some will 
differ from me in the opinion just stated ; and, while my aims are 
expository and not polemic, I regret that the limits of this paper 
forbid any defense of my position. It is my intention to publish ere 
long a statement of the evidence by which it is determined ; but the 
subject is too large for adequate treatment here and must therefore 
be passed over for the present. 

The struggle for annexation, however, centers about the slavery 
issue ; but here again the point of view of our historians, it seems 

1 Wharton had left the United States soon after recognition was secured. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas Si 

to me, has often been incorrect. Slavery is not to be charged with 
the success of the movement. On the contrary, it alone roused an 
opposition which came perilously near preventing, for a period that 
no one can estimate, the acquisition of Texas and leaving it a barrier 
to the westward extension of the United States, an agency for the 
promotion of foreign interests, and a menace to our national unity. 
That the slaveholding interest alone could not have accomplished 
annexation goes without saying. The states it controlled did not 
have votes enough for that in either house of Congress. The result 
can hardly be interpreted otherwise than as a triumph of the impulse 
toward expansion which has so often manifested itself in our history 
and against which the brave energy of John Quincy Adams and the 
matchless eloquence of Clay and Webster were arrayed in vain. Had 
there been no slavery in Texas, the triumph would have been 
achieved with less than half the struggle. Had there been none in 
either country, there would have been no struggle at all. If the 
application of Texas had but come a few years earlier, it is probable 
that recognition and annexation would have been secured in quick 
succession and with comparative ease. The slavery issue would not 
then have so complicated the process ; nor is it to be supposed that 
the risk of war with Mexico would have proved to be any effectual 
hindrance. The recent Panama episode is teaching us a great deal 
about ourselves, and I cannot believe that in the twenties and thirties 
of the nineteenth century we were essentially different. 

As the hands pointed, however, on the clock of destiny, the 
annexation movement was ill-timed. While the quarrel of Texas 
with Mexico was passing from difference and recrimination to de- 
fiance and the rude arbitrament of war, the genius of Occidental 
civilization had girded itself for mighty work on both sides of the 
Atlantic. A broadening conception of the rights of man had begun to 
threaten privilege in every quarter. The rising of the American 
demos had overthrown the political aristocrats of the seaboard and 
seated in the presidential chair the king of the western commonalty. 
The July revolution had brought France a faint reminder of the 
days of '89, and, as it spread, had given the throne of continental 
Europe a warning shake. In England Parliamentary reform had 
relieved the abuses of five hundred years, and the new philanthropy 
had abolished slavery in all the colonies of Great Britain, and had 
paid the bill. Finally, just at the time when Texas was engaged in 
its desperate struggle against the Mexican invaders, the trumpet- 
call to the " irrepressible conflict " was sounded by both sides on the 
floor of the American Congress, where issue was joined concerning 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 6. 

82 G. P. Garrison 

the right of petition relative to slavery. The personality of Adams 
and Calhoun, the two great leaders who stood over against each other 
in this opening fight, 1 is a sufficient guaranty of the honesty and 
strength of the convictions that clashed. It is, in fact, devotion to 
their faith, religious, political, and social, that has given the Teutonic 
stock world-wide supremacy. Though it has often inspired the de- 
termined champions of error, in the long run it has always made for 
truth and right. 

The issue of annexation was thus involved from the outset with 
that of the nationalization and expansion of slavery. The occasion 
brought the most extensive use of the right that had been challenged 
— so far as it applied to this distinctive Southern institution — that 
our history has ever witnessed ; and when the stream of petitions 
relative to Texas began to pour in upon Congress, it mingled with 
a similar stream of those praying for the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Columbia. Along with the petitions came legislative 
resolutions from various states relating to the same subjects. The 
people were becoming profoundly stirred ; and this sudden mani- 
festation of unfamiliar forces threw most of the political leaders into 
a state of absolute terror. Even Jackson adopted an attitude of 
caution entirely foreign to his nature, while Van Buren studied the 
situation and trimmed, and Clay, " thinking too precisely on the 
event ", was driven to fatal irresolution. 

Those who have gathered their knowledge of the relations of the 
Republic of Texas with the United States from the standard his- 
tories rather than from the sources will probably have the impression 
that a harmonious outcry for recognition and annexation went up 
from the slaveholding states as soon as the question was presented. 
There was, however, one notable exception. In his message to the 
South Carolina legislature near the end of the year 1836, 2 the retir- 
ing governor, George McDuffie, protested strongly against any action 
on behalf of Texas. After a ringing argument in favor of guard- 
ing the domestic institutions of the state against outside interference, 
he went on to extend the doctrine to the case of Texas. The ex- 
pressions in his message most in point are as follows : 

I have looked with very deep concern, not unmingled with regret, 
upon the occurrences which have taken place during the present year, in 
various parts of the United States, relative to the civil war which is still 
in progress, between the republic of Mexico and one of her revolted 

1 I have not forgotten the Missouri Compromise, but I am inclined to think students 
of American history will agree that the real beginning of the " irrepressible conflict " 
was in the struggle over the right of petition with reference to slavery. 

2 Mies' Register, LI, 229-230. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 83 

provinces. It is true that no country can be responsible for the sympa- 
thies of its citizens ; but I am nevertheless utterly at a loss to perceive what 
title either of the parties to this controversy can have to the sympathies of 
the American people. If it be alleged that the insurgents of Texas are emi- 
grants from the United States, it is obvious to reply that, by their voluntary 
expatriation, under whatever circumstances of adventure, of speculation, 
of honor, or of infamy, they have forfeited all claim to our fraternal 
regard. . . . There is but too much reason to believe that many of them 
have gone as mere adventurers, speculating upon the chances of estab- 
lishing an- independent government in Texas, and of seizing that im- 
mense and fertile domain by the title of the sword. But be this as it 
may, when they became citizens of Mexico, they became subject to the 
constitution and laws of that country ; and whatever changes the Mexi- 
can people may have since made in that constitution and those laws, they 
are matters with which foreign states can have no concern, and of which 
they have no right to take cognizance. I trust, therefore, that the state 
of South Carolina will give no countenance, direct or indirect, open or 
concealed, to any acts which may compromit the neutrality of the United 
States, or bring into question their plighted faith. . . . If we admit 
Texas into our union, while Mexico in still waging war against that 
province, with a view to re-establish her supremacy over it, we shall, by 
the very act itself, make ouselves a party to the war. Nor can we take this 
step, without incurring this heavy responsibility, until Mexico herself 
shall recognize the independence of her revolted province. 

The part of the message relative to Texas was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations in both the House and the Senate. 
The House committee brought in a favorable report, which was 
adopted, 1 and the nature of which is sufficiently indicated by the 
following extract : 

The committee fully agree with his excellency on the propriety and 
sound policy of the government of the United States maintaining a strict 
neutrality with all foreign nations, and especially with Mexico in her 
contest with Texas ; and that we are the last people who should set an 
example of impertinent interference with the internal concerns of other 
states. . . . South Carolina cannot consent, under a supposed idea of 
self-interest, to violate the sanctity of the law of nations, or that neutrality 
which should always be guarded by the United States towards a foreign 
nation engaged in an internal struggle. Under the present circumstances, 
to acknowledge the independence of Texas and receive her into this 
union, could be no less than a declaration of war against Mexico, and of 
doubtful policy to the older slave-holding states. 

These documents have been referred to thus at length because, 
among other reasons, of the exceptional nature of the argument as 
coming from Calhoun's own state, the very citadel of the slavery 
interest, and especially from such a champion of that interest as 

1 Nilef Register, LI, 242, 273. 

84 G. P. Garrison 

George McDuffie. 1 To those who believe that annexation was due to 
slavery alone, it should be profoundly instructive. 

The Senate committee made an unfavorable report, which was 
adopted " by nearly a unanimous vote " 2 . The report was presented 
by Ex-governor James Hamilton, who soon became identified with 
Texas ; but it contains nothing that stands out sufficiently for repro- 
duction here. 

In the interval between the act of recognition and the proffer 
of annexation, the Texas minister at Washington, like Van Buren, 
studied the situation, and made voluminous reports. These are of 
great interest and value in following the tortuous course of the 
administration as it sought to make up its mind. April 15, 1837, 
Hunt wrote to Henderson from Vicksburg, Mississippi 3 , that he 
thought a secret agent should be sent to England to purchase a 
treaty there with valuable commercial concessions. Recognition by 
England, he thought, would guarantee annexation. The South was 
so ardent therefor that failure would dissolve the Union, and the 
Northern politicians would yield before going to that extremity. He 
went on to say that nothing had so increased the zeal of Southern 
politicians for Texas as the question of John Quincy Adams in the 
House whether it would be in order to present a petition from slaves. 
By this act one of their worst enemies had helped them more than 
" the most studied movements " of their best friends. Open negotia- 
tions with Great Britain would probably prevent annexation by 
provoking a paper issue with the Abolitionists, and action should be 
taken in a way that would cause as little excitement as possible ; for 
fanaticism would temporarily overrule the wisest measures. But 
the Northerners were a law-abiding people ; and if a treaty of annex- 
ation could be secured, the trouble would all be over. He added, 
by the way, that, having secured recognition, and not expecting 
favorable action as to annexation for the time, he thought it might 
be best for him to visit Thomas H. Benton, who could do Texas 
more service in that respect perhaps than any one else in the United 

1 McDuffie afterward became an ardent annexationist. As senator from South 
Carolina, he voted for the joint resolution in 1845 and made one of the strongest argu- 
ments in its favor that the occasion called forth. Relative to this, Daniel Webster 
remarked, in the course of a controversial tilt with McDuffie in the Senate, July 28, 
1846 : " I think the most powerful argument ever addressed to the people of the United 
States against the annexation of Texas was from the Governor of South Carolina ; and I 
think the greatest speech in favor of it was made by the Senator from South Carolina — 
idem personem \sic\ !" See Congressional Globe, 29 Cong., I sess., 1154. 

2 Mies' Register, LI, 277. 

3 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 714. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 85 

Two much more interesting letters than this were written by 
Catlett to Henderson during Hunt's absence from Washington in 
the spring of 1837. The first is dated April 29 1 . In it Catlett tells 
a curious tale of how he had been suddenly summoned to the office 
of the Secretary of State and informed by the chief clerk — by direc- 
tion, of course, of the Secretary himself — that the department had 
just received some important information from the United States 
consul in the City of Mexico. It was to the effect that a resolu- 
tion to sell Texas, " and as far south as might be deemed expedient ", 
to the British government at twenty-five cents an acre had been 
introduced at a secret session of the Mexican congress and would cer- 
tainly be adopted. A question as to whether the consul's letter indi- 
cated that the British government had offered to make the purchase, 
or would agree to it, was answered in the negative. Extracts from 
the letter including the most essential parts were requested and 
obtained. They showed that the sale was proposed in order to 
pay off the debt of sixty-eight million dollars due from Mexico to 
English subjects. These extracts were despatched in a lengthy com- 
munication dated May y 2 , and containing matter of peculiar interest. 
Catlett sent a copy of a letter which he had written to Forsyth on 
May 2, and which serves to show that he had not neglected his 
opportunity for an important move in the diplomatic game. He 
thanked the Secretary very heartily for the information that had 
been given, and said that this regard for the welfare of Texas would 
" doubtless strengthen the filial feeling which it has always cherished 
for its parent commonwealth ". He then inquired whether the 
United States government thought Mexico's offer to Great Britain 
would be accepted, and whether it would take any steps to prevent 
such an undesirable consummation. He went on to suggest the 
danger that the British government might have made secret over- 
tures to Mexico and that, in spite of the apparent unreasonableness 
of the thing, it might be really seeking to possess itself of Texas. 
He excused himself for asking such questions as the letter contained 
by setting forth the deep solicitude the government of Texas would 
naturally feel concerning the subject, and the impossibility of its 
obtaining any direct information. In a paragraph following the 
copy of this letter Catlett explained to Henderson that he wrote the 
letter to call the attention of Forsyth to the fact that the subject was 
as important to the United States as to Texas, and that their interests 
in respect to it were identical. He wished also, of course, to elicit 
such information as he could. 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 284. 

2 Ibid , file 285. 

86 G. P. Garrison 

Forsyth was doubtless sorry that he had allowed the cat to peep 
at all from the bag he was holding, and the letter of the Texas 
charge must have cost the Secretary of State at least one sleepless 
night. Catlett went on to recount, in his despatch of May 7 detailing 
the course of the affair, that the next day (May 3) he had a note 
from the chief clerk of the Department of State asking him to call 
at his convenience, and that he presented himself at the office the 
same morning. As he entered, Mr. Forsyth, who was just leaving 
the room, saw him and invited him to an interview, which had evi- 
dently not been intended for that morning, and a very interesting 
colloquy ensued. Forsyth said he thought Catlett had better take 
back his letter ; that some expressions in it, though their use was 
justified, might lead to future misunderstanding. He referred espe- 
cially to " Parent Commonwealth ". Catlett replied that the ex- 
pression was not meant to indicate that Texas owed its origin to the 
United States government, but was intended only in compliment, 
since the Texans were nearly all natives of the United States, and 
since they had adopted the same form of government and the same 
institutions as those of that country. But Forsyth " said that it was 
an expression which would still be made use of by the enemies of the 
administration and by all such as were inimical to the United States 
and to Texas ; — that all correspondence in relation to Texas would 
probably be called for next winter by congress, and that, while the 
best feeling and wishes for the prosperity of Texas were cherished, 
it behooved him to be careful to make no admissions, which might 
be interpreted as showing an undue interest in the success of our 
revolutionary struggle ". To this Catlett answered that he knew 
" the situation of the United States was a delicate and embarrassing 
one, and that it was by no means . . . [his] desire to render it 
more so, but that the identity of interests between the countries was 
so striking and apparent, and pointed so clearly to the United States 
preventing Great Britain from negotiating for the purchase of 
Texas, that . . . [he] could not but encourage the hope, that some 
assurance would be given to ... [his] Government, that if any 
negotiations were opened between Great Britain and Mexico, the 
United States would immediately interfere ". "In what way could 
we interfere?", asked Forsyth. "By distinctly intimating", replied 
Catlett, " to the British Govt that the United States could never 
consent to Great Britain's obtaining possession of Texas ". Forsyth 
suggested, " Great Britain in return might say the same to us " ; the 
answer to which was, " If she did, it would be easy to reply that the 
United States would make no such attempt, that she had already 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 87 

acknowledged the separate existence of Texas as an Independent 
Republic, but that if it were the unequivocal desire of the people 
of Texas to be admitted into this Union, that their wishes would be 
properly respected and listened to ". At this point the exchange of 
argument ended, and Forsyth went on to say that, while the subject 
was one of common interest, he had no idea that Great Britain would 
accept the Mexican offer or that any overtures for the purchase of 
Texas had come from that country ; that he would cheerfully com- 
municate all information he could give that might be of interest to 
Texas, but he could express no opinion as to the policy that would 
be pursued by the United States ; " that notwithstanding the numer- 
ous ties by which the people of the two countries were virtually 
bound together, it was necessary that the intercourse between their 
Governments should be carried on as if there was no peculiar rela- 
tionship between them ; — that some of the expressions in . . . 
[Catlett's] letter might be referred to on some future occasion as 
showing that an undue interest had been taken by the Government 
of the United States in the affairs of Texas and that he would prefer 
returning it to . . . [him] ". Catlett then took back the letter, be- 
cause, as he explained, its purpose had been accomplished. He 
assured Forsyth, with a refreshing assumption of innocence, that 
inexperience alone had prompted the writing, and the conference 
was at an end. In his letter to Henderson Catlett added that he had 
obtained information from Mr. Cralle, on which he relied as correct, 
that Great Britain had been approached by Mexico some time before 
on the subject of purchasing Texas and had given a decided refusal. 
Another communication from Catlett to Henderson, written May 
25 and 30 1 , reported that he thought the administration would use 
every exertion to keep down the question of annexation, but that a 
strong effort would be made by the South to have the matter decided 
by the ensuing Congress. He said Forsyth had told him that if 
Congress had not tied the hands of the executive, Mexico would 
already have been taught to respect the rights of American com- 
merce. The despatch closed with the statement that, while many 
persons in the United States regarded the issue as doubtful, it was 
clear " to the sagacious and intelligent " that the government of 
that country had so far compromised itself by the act of recognition 
as to have made common cause with Texas ; that only the imprudence 
of Texas could prevent the ties between them from increasing " in 
strength and holiness " ; and that it was impossible that the deport- 
ment of Texas " should be regulated by too scrupulous an adherence 
to the established principles of international law ". 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 306. 

88 G. P. Garrison 

As to the delay in proposing annexation, the correspondence goes 
to show that it was due to the refusal of the United States authorities 
to entertain the proposition so long as Mexico persisted in attempting 
to reconquer Texas. A despatch from Hunt to Henderson, dated 
Vicksburg, May 30, 1837 1 , states that Forsyth had distinctly so de- 
scribed the attitude of the administration. It can scarcely be 
doubted, however, that the refusal was due still more to the fear of 
a divided and uncertain public sentiment in the United States. 

On July 1 1 , Hunt reported from Washington- that he had been 
accorded an interview with President Van Buren, and had expressed 
to him the hope of nearer relations between the United States and 
Texas than mere diplomatic intercourse The President had replied 
warmly, with dignity, and at length, but the letter reveals in what he 
said only " glittering . . . generalities ". Hunt remarked that, in 
accordance with his instructions from the government of Texas, he 
would commit himself to no treaty stipulations until he was advised 

In the same communication Hunt said that, while he had first 
urged a secret mission to Great Britain, he had finally become con- 
vinced that the appointment of a minister was wise. 3 The mere 
announcement had so aroused the Southern states to the danger of 
losing Texas that they would present an unbroken line of resistance 
to any anti-Texas administration. He thought the people south of 
the Potomac would prefer the dissolution of the Union to the loss of 
Texas. They and the people of Texas had common interests, origin, 
and history, and " in this age of fanaticism on the subject of slavery " 
they would force their government to adopt the Texans, or would 
create a new order of things. He was sanguine that the administra- 
tion would be compelled to make annexation a " leading issue ". 

Hunt then proceeded to define the attitude of certain prominent 
men and to describe, in general terms, the whole situation. Webster 
had entered the field for the presidency. He and his friends were 
expected to be decidedly hostile to Texas. He had raised the cry 
of Southern preponderance in the councils of the Union. His in- 
fluence was in the northern and middle states, but was dominant only 
in Massachusetts and Vermont ; his opposition had solidified the 
South warmly for Texas. The Cabinet was said to be sectionally 
divided on the question of annexation, but Hunt had it on good 
authority that Woodbury would support the views of the President, 
which would give Texas a majority of one. Clamor about financial 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 718. 

2 Ibid., file 719. 

3 Henderson had been appointed. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 89 

troubles had been weakening the Jackson party, and in New York 
and Pennsylvania, where the President was considered invincible, 
recent events seemed ominous of defeat. In the south everything 
depended on his course as to slavery, and nothing else would help him 
there so much as hearty support of annexation. Hunt had thought 
it not unwise to encourage the idea that Texas would stand by the 
administration under whose auspices it entered the Union. He sug- 
gested also the propriety of his being duly authorized, if the subject 
of annexation should come before the next Congress, " to employ 
some efficient and able person, having influence with the members of 
the non-slaveholding states, to counteract the intrigues of Mr. Web- 
ster and the enemies of Texas ". He repeated that " a well paid, 
efficient, and if you please, secret agent, acting under my direction 
and having influence with the members of the non-slaveholding 
States, would be a most important enablement unto the success of our 
cause ". He advised against an attempt at conciliation of the party 
*' known ... as Northern fanatics " ; for that might impair " that 
firm, devoted and enthusiastic unanimity of the South, which is, 
indeed, our main support ". 

August 4, 1837, 1 came the long-delayed proposal of annexation 
in a formal communication from Hunt to Forsyth. The Texas min- 
ister sketched the history of that country and said that it sought 
annexation because of its kinship in blood, language, and institutions 
with the United States. He gave its estimated area and population, 
and a brief statement of its resources. Texas, he said, neither feared 
reconquest by Mexico, nor sought protection against European in- 
terference. It offered a market for all agricultural products of the 
United States except sugar and cotton. Delay might be fatal to 
annexation, for Texas was establishing relations with foreign powers 
that might develop insurmountable obstacles ; and it might, by means 
of commercial treaties having special relation to the two states men- 
tioned, and because of its better adapted soil, rival the United States 
in the production of both and drain away the population from that 
country. If Texas remained independent, the very similarity be- 
tween the two countries would bring about a conflict of interests. 
Annexation would insure the United States control of the Gulf of 
Mexico, and might contribute to peace with the Indians on the 
frontier of the two countries. The question was asked " in the name 
of national honor, humanity, and justice " if a nation whose career 
had been marked by constant violation of treaty obligations, by 
licentious revolutions, and by shameful mistreatment of its people 

1 House Ex. Doc. 40, 25 Cong., I sess., pp. 2-1 1. 

90 G. P. Garrison 

had not " thereby forfeited all claims to the respect of the Govern- 
ments of civilized nations ". 

A letter from Hunt to R. A. Irion 1 written the same day reported 
this formal opening of negotiations to the government of Texas. 
The minister said that he still hoped for annexation, but the course 
of the official newspaper (the Globe) had not been encouraging. 
Hunt's friend and relative, John C. Jones of North Carolina, who 
was intimate with the editor, Mr. Blair, had sought to influence him 
to support annexation, but had failed. Blair's private opinions were 
in favor of it, but the President had instructed him to be neutral for 
a time. Van Buren would favor the most popular course as soon as 
he ascertained what it was. 

August 10, Hunt wrote Irion 2 concerning the proposal made six 
days before : " I thought it best to say nothing of the slave question, 
which as you know is more important than any other connected with 
the subject of annexation ". The President of the United States 
seemed anxious to suppress the desire which Hunt had shown to 
push on the movement ; and one of Van Buren's intimate friends 
had urged the deferring of the project so strongly that a show of 
resentment had been required in order to get rid of him. This 
gentleman was told bv Hunt that, if annexation failed, the President 
and his advisers would be responsible for the result, which might be 
fatal to the Union. The Texas minister remarked in passing that he 
himself was ardently attached to the Lnion, and that he thought 
annexation would prolong, if not perpetuate it. His fears concern- 
ing Van Buren's attitude led him to suggest that Irion should address 
a proposal for annexation to some member of Congress to be pre- 
sented to that body. The name was to be left blank for Hunt to fill 
in when the occasion came for the use of the document. A postscript 
dated August n said that Hunt had just ascertained Forsyth to be 
violently opposed to annexation. 

Not till August 25. did Forsyth reply to the proposal of annexa- 
tion. His answer 3 disclaimed at the outset any unfriendly spirit 
toward Texas. This was followed up by declining to look into the 
historical facts recited by Hunt and by expressing the hope that the 
act of recognition would lead Texas to cherish close relations with 
the United States and abstain from connections detrimental to that 
country. The proposed acquisition of territory would be different 

i Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 726. Irion had succeeded J. P. Hen- 
derson as secretary of state. 

2 Ibid., file 728. 

3 House Ex. Doc. 40, 25 Cong., I sess., pp. 1 1 — 13. The refusal of the proposition, 
while perfectly clear, was not in direct terms, but only by implication. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas g i 

from any the United States had ever made, inasmuch as it involved 
the absorption of an independent sovereignty. It involved also a 
question of a war with Mexico, to which country the United States 
was under treaty obligations that precluded even reserving the pro- 
posal for future consideration. 

The rejoinder of Hunt, 1 which was dated September 12, argued 
that the negotiations for the purchase of Texas from Mexico before 
Mexican independence had been acknowledged by Spain involved 
as great a breach of treaty obligations, if the principle on which the 
United States claimed to act could be allowed, as the acceptance of 
the proffered annexation. Undeniably, he thought, a sovereign 
power had as much right to dispose of the whole of itself to another 
as to dispose of a part. Texas did not feel under obligations to fol- 
low any special foreign policy because it had been recognized first 
by the United States ; and if its relations should become such as 
seriously to affect the interests of that country, he thought complaint 
would be unreasonable after the offer of all it had to give had been 
declined. But he assured the Secretary of State, and through him 
the President of the United States, that the prompt and decisive 
rejection of the proposal would not be charged to unfriendliness. 
Six days later Hunt wrote Irion 2 that he hoped a resolution would 
be introduced in one of the houses of Congress at the approaching 
regular session that would request the Texas minister to state the 
terms on which Texas sought admission into the Union, and that a 
motion to accept the terms would be adopted by both houses. The 
President would add his approval. 

For about a year from this time forward the despatches tell a 
tale of daily alternating hopes and fears, with the prospect of annex- 
ation gradually on the decline. October 20, 1837, Hunt wrote Irion -3 
that the state of the question was " delicate and precarious ". Suc- 
cess seemed to depend on war between the United States and Mexico. 
The friends of the measure, taking their cue from the President and 
the Cabinet, were begging for time to save the party in the north, 
while Hunt himself was urging the danger of alienating the South 
by delay. He had threatened, in conversation with an influential 
friend of Van Buren's, to ask the Texas government for a recall; 
but a communication so hedged about with secrecy that he could not 
even state its substance in the despatch induced him to remain. On 
the next day, October 21, P. W. Grayson, who had just come from 
Texas to the assistance of Hunt, wrote President Houston a sup- 

1 House Ex. Doc. 40, 25 Cong., I sess., pp. 14-18. 

2 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 732. 

3 Ibid., file 736. 

92 G. P. Garrison 

plementary note, in which he said that the annexationists were then 
depending much on Clay to lead the fight for the measure if the 
Cabinet continued its equivocal course ; and he made the interesting 
observation by the way that Hunt's letters would show " that even 
the old fanatic J. O. Adams is committed for the acquisition of 
Texas". Hunt, in a letter of November 15 to Irion, 1 represents 
Forsyth as being then " a warm advocate for the measure of annexa- 
tion and for having it accomplished as early as possible ". The 
friends of the measure were increasing very fast in the west. Hunt 
was informed that there was not a single dissentient in the Illinois 
delegation. Senator Allen of Ohio favored the measure. So did 
both the senators from Michigan personally, and they promised to 
do so officially if their constituents could be reconciled to it. But 
December 7, Grayson reports to Houston that " there is no solid 
foundation on which to build a hope that the measure can now 
be carried . . . both parties here are afraid to move in the matter 
for fear of losing popularity in the North ". 

On January 4, 1838, was initiated the attempt, so often suggested 
in the letters of Hunt and Grayson, to accomplish annexation by Con- 
gressional action. Naturally the work began in the Senate. There 
were found the most determined and aggressive champions of the 
measure ; and initiative by that body would not seem too great a 
departure from the well-trodden paths of diplomacy. It should be 
observed, in fact, that the plan does not seem, for the time, to have 
contemplated action by the legislative independently of the treaty- 
making power, but only such a step as would force the hand of the 
unwilling executive and push him into negotiations. On the day 
named, Preston of South Carolina introduced in the Senate a resolu- 
tion sounding the now famous political war-cry of " reannexation " 
and asserting the desirability and expediency of resuming possession 
of Texas, which was declared to have been " surrendered " in 1819. 
Three months later he spoke for two hours in support of his resolu- 
tion. The paralyzing effect of the subject is sufficiently illustrated 
by the fact that, though the Senate has never been famous for 
" dumb sittings ", when he sat down there seemed to be no one else 
that wished to say a word. Walker, however, was not present. 
June 14, the resolution was taken up again and tabled by the decisive 
vote of 24 to 14. 2 How the question of annexation was raised dur- 
ing the same session in the House, and how it was dealt with will 
appear further on. 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 735. 

2 Ni/cs' Register, LIV, 255. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 93 

By the end of January, 1838, Hunt began to consider the outlook 
for annexation hopeless. On the thirty-first of that month he sent 
Irion a long communication 1 describing the contemporaneous aspect 
of the movement in detail. He was confident that he had fully 
ascertained the views of the administration and the general feeling 
in Congress, and he wrote, " I can no longer repel the conviction that 
the measure is utterly impracticable under existing circumstances ". 
His despatch is a confidentially frank, searching, and faithful review 
of the situation. After remarking that the acquisition of Texas had 
been the settled policy of the United States for twelve years, as the 
instructions of Secretaries of State Clay, Van Buren, McLane, and 
Forsyth to ministers in Mexico showed clearly, and after stating that 
the President and several of the Cabinet still wished it, he continues : 

But hampered as they are by their party trammels on the one hand, 
and their treaty obligations with Mexico on the other, by the furious 
opposition of all the free States, by the fear of incurring the charge of 
false dealing and injustice, and of involving this country in a war in 
which they are now doubtful whether they would even be supported by a 
majority of their own citizens, and which would be at once branded by 
their enemies at home and abroad as an unjust war, instigated for the 
very purpose of gaining possession of Texas and for no other, they dare 
not and will not come out openly for the measure, so long as the relative 
position of the three parties continues the same as it is at present. 

Hunt then goes on to say that he had relied for success on a 
declaration of war by the United States against Mexico, which had 
finally become altogether improbable. "If the United States desire 
Texas ", he says, " the proposition should now come from them. Our 
true policy now, in every aspect of view, is to appear indifferent upon 
the subject, and leave it for this government to solicit of us the 
consummation of a measure which, I am well assured will be the 
more desired by them, the less solicitous we appear about it our- 
selves." Describing the situation in Congress, he expresses the fear 
that Preston's resolutions will be tabled, and then adds : 

In the course of a confidential conversation, which I had with Mr. 
Clay, a few days since, he assured me that he was friendly to the annexa- 
tion of Texas, but that in his opinion, the time had not yet arrived when 
the question could be taken up in congress with any probability of suc- 
cess. Petitions upon petitions still continue daily pouring in against us 
from the North and East. 

Finally, some lines written later say that the hopes of the annex- 
ationists have just been revived by a report of prospective changes 
in the Cabinet and the recently developed uneasiness of the adminis- 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 743. 

94 G. P. Garrison 

tration over the probability of a treaty between Texas and Great 

Early in February Hunt writes again, 1 this time in a most hopeful 
strain. He has been led to believe that the United States govern- 
ment is on the point of taking active steps toward annexation. In a 
strictly confidential interview with Calhoun, saving the privilege of 
communication with the Texas government, he has learned that the 
administration is considering the policy of despatching a private mis- 
sion to Mexico to secure the acquiescence of that country in the 
annexation movement. Calhoun has just received a note from a 
member of the Cabinet which leaves little doubt that the mission 
would result favorably, as information lately obtained would prove. 
Hunt is of the opinion that the unusual energy of the government is 
due mainly to the fact that he has informed Forsyth of his intention 
to ask to be recalled. 

But the prospect of a revival of the movement was not realized. 
In March Hunt wrote 2 that he was gratified to receive instructions 
from President Lamar to show no further solicitude for annexation, 
and a few days later he reported 3 that several members of Congress 
from the south had expressed their intention, if Texas was not 
annexed to the Union, to " advocate its annexation to the slave 
holding states ". March 12, he wrote 4 that, in his opinion and " that 
of many distinguished gentlemen from the South ", unless Texas was 
annexed, the Union would soon be dissolved because of Northern 
interference with slavery in the south, which annexation would pre- 
vent by giving the South preponderance in the Senate. " Domestic 
slavery ", he said, " in the United States and Texas, must, from 
various circumstances, stand or fall together." The failure of 
annexation would be at the risk of civil war in the Union, " for the 
fanatical spirit of abolition is unquestionably on the increase " ; but 
the success of the measure would so check that spirit as to give the 
slaveholding states " perfect security ". 

Meanwhile the House was engaged in a vain struggle to keep 
back the question, which was seeking entry by the door of petition. 
This door to legislative consideration it had been sought practically 
to close against whatever might serve to promote the agitation of 
the slavery issue, but this could not be effectually done with men like 
John Quincy Adams in the House. The recognition of the inde- 
pendence of Texas in March, 1837, had brought the subject of 

1 February 3, Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 744. 

2 March 3, ibid., file 745. 

3 March 9, ibid. , file 746. 
* Ibid., file 747. 

Movement for the Annexation of Texas 95 

annexation, hitherto in the background, now openly to the front. 
The proposal made in August and its prompt rejection have been 
referred to already, and the claim of the conservatives and the peace 
makers now was that the question had been disposed of ; but Adams 
refused to believe it. During the special session of the Twenty-fifth 
Congress, which met in September, 1837, and the regular session 
following, memorials and petitions against the annexation of Texas 
signed by multiplied thousands poured in and grew upon the table 
of the House into a mass that Howard of Maryland, chairman of 
the Committee on Foreign Relations, said might be measured by 
cubic feet. They seem to have, come mainly from Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania, and Ohio. A few counter-petitions from the South 
came in, but they were evidently intended to bring that method of 
dealing with the subject into contempt ; for the Southern members 
of Congress had set their faces sternly against it. But Carter of 
Tennessee, who doubted the expediency of annexation, stated in the 
House on July 13, 1838, that it had been difficult to restrain the 
masses in the south from petitioning Congress in its favor. The 
House, on December 12, 1837, had by a vote of 127 to 68 laid the 
whole subject of annexation, with the papers relating to it, on the 
table without reference; but through an inadvertence, as was after- 
ward claimed, the petitions on the subject had been subsequently 
allowed to go to the Committee on Foreign Relations. On June 13, 
1838, a resolution was reported in the House from that committee 
discharging it from further consideration of the subject. The next 
day Waddy Thompson, from South Carolina, offered an amend- 
ment directing the President to take the proper steps for the annex- 
ation of Texas as soon as it could be done " consistently with the 
treaty stipulations of this government ". On the fifteenth Adams 
moved to recommit the report with instructions to bring in a resolu- 
tion containing the declaration " That any attempt by act of con- 
gress or by treaty to annex the republic of Texas to this union would 
be a usurpation of power, unlawful and void, and which it would be 
the right and the duty of the free people of the union to resist and 
annul ". On the sixteenth he took the floor in support of his motion 
and consumed the morning hour from then till July 7, the last work- 
ing-day of the session but one. This made any action on the matter, 
and any answer to his argument, meanwhile alike impossible. 1 

By this time the ardor of Texas itself was abating. President 
Houston instructed Anson Jones, who took the place of Hunt as min- 
ister to the United States in the summer of 1838, formally to with- 

1 Niles' Register, LIV, 256, 332, passim. 

96 G. P. Garrison 

draw the proposal for annexation, and this was done October 12. x 
At the end of the year the presidency of Texas passed from Houston 
to Lamar, who was strongly opposed to annexation, and who so ex- 
pressed himself in his first message to the Texan congress. A joint 
resolution of that body, approved January 23, 1839, 2 ratified the 
withdrawal of the proposition. The people of Texas gave consent 
by silence, and the first stage of the movement was over. 

George P. Garrison. 

1 Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, file 947. 

2 Laws of the Republic of Texas, passed the First Session of Third Congress, f8jg 
(Houston, 1839), 75. 


/. Alexander Hamilton's Notes in the Federal Convention of 1787. 

In the Hamilton Papers, now in the Library of Congress, I 
found some folio sheets containing rough notes in Hamilton's writ- 
ing, but without date, place, or descriptive heading. A penciled 
note on one of the sheets, evidently written at a later day, led me to 
believe that the lines might be some notes of debates in the Con- 
vention of 1787 for framing the Constitution, and a little study 
enabled me to find a corresponding note in the Madison notes. It 
was then a simple matter to spell out the Hamilton matter by date 
and speaker, and the result is now published. Fragmentary as the 
notes are, they add something to the known record of the debates, 
and possess a general as well as an individual value. 

The general interest lies in this : that they outline speeches not 
recorded by Madison, such as Madison's own remarks on June 6 ; 
and they add to the notes made by Madison in a number of instances. 
Further, they offer a test of the accuracy of Madison's pen, and in 
only one instance do they seem to point to an error. In reporting 
Gerry's remarks on June 8, Madison made him say the " New States 
too having separate views from the old States will never come into 
the Union ". The statement would seem to be too strong to express 
Gerry's meaning, for the legislation on the Northwest Territory and 
experiences with the western country would modify if not negative 
the remark. The version given by Hamilton is more correct : " New 
States will arise which cannot be controuled ". 

The personal interest is greater. Few men were better equipped 
than Madison to take notes, for he had long been a careful student 
of government, and in his closet and his experience in state and 
Continental legislature had recognized the great evils of the old 
Confederation and the crying need of a surrender by the states of 
some of their powers, at least sufficient to create a self-supporting 
central government. The notes of his researches on federative sys- 
tems long passed as Washington's, because a copy in Washington's 
manuscript happened to be found before the Madison original came 
to light. Yet Madison's studies had produced almost a colorless 
attitude of mind, in which his learning threatened to neutralize his 
energy in urging definite reforms for definite evils. His influence in 
the Convention was small, in spite of the many times he took part in 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 7. (97) 

98 Documents 

the debates ; and it was exerted rather through others than through 
himself. This attitude made him the best possible recorder of the 
debates, as he was in a receptive frame of mind, not tied fast to one 
or a small number of propositions, but ready to study what others 
had to propose. The result is to be seen in his " notes ", which could 
only be surpassed in merit by a full record of the proceedings. 

Hamilton's experience had been different. His service at head- 
quarters during the most trying years of the Revolution had given 
him a grasp of the inherent weakness of the Confederation that was 
improved by his service in the Continental Congress. He approached 
the question of reform from a more practical side than that of Madi- 
son, and this made him the more intent upon a special reform to 
meet the difficulties he had felt in field and in Congress. Hence his" 
leaning to monarchy, a position that could not be acceptable to the 
Convention any more than it could be to the people of the United 
States. His notes were taken on the days when the central gov- 
ernment was under discussion, and he has added " notes " and " re- 
marks " that clearly indicate his own ideas, something that a really 
good reporter, like Madison, would not have done. The personal 
element is therefore stronger in these few notes than in the whole 
of Madison's record. Worthington Chauncey Ford. 

I. Notes for June i, 1787. 
[Hamilton.] [Madison. 1 ] 

1 — The way to prevent a ma- 
jority from having an interest to 
oppress the minority is to enlarge 
the sphere. 

Madison 2 — Elective Monarchies turbu- If [Executive'Power] large, we 

lent and unhappy — shall have the Evils of Elective 

Monarchies (Charles R. King, 
The Life and Correspondence of 
Men unwilling to admit so Rufus King,l, ^Z.) 
decided a superiority of merit in 
an individual as to accede to his 
appointment to so preeminent a 
station — 

If several are admitted as there 
will be many competitors of equal 
merit they may be all included — 
contention prevented — and the 
republican genius consulted — 

Randolph— I Situation of this Country 

peculiar — 

1 With the exception of the first, these excerpts are from The Writings of fames 
Madison, edited by Gaillard Hunt, Volume III. 

Hamilton ' s Notes in the Federal Convention, lySj 99 

II Taught the people an erva- 
sion to Monarchy — 

III All their constitutions op- 
posed to it — 

IV — Fixed character of the 
people opposed to it — 

V — If proposed twill prevent a 
fair discussion of the plan. 

VI — Why cannot three execute? 

— Great exertions only requisite 
on particular occasions 

— Legislature may appoint a 
dictator when necessary — 

— Seeds of destruction — Slaves 
— \_formerConti?iental army struck 
out] might be safely enlisted — 

— May appoint men devoted to 
them — and even bribe the legis- 
lature by offices — 

— Chief Magistrate must be free 
from impeachment 

extent — manners — 

Confederated republic unites 
advantages and banishes disad- 
vantages of other kinds of gov- 
ernments — 

rendering the executive ineli- 
gible an infringement of the right 
of election — 

peculiar talents requisite for 
executive, therefore ought to be 
opportunity of ascertaining his tal- 
ents — therefore frequent change — 

Princ 1 The further men are 
from the ultimate point of im- 
portance the readier they will be 
[to] concur in a change — 

2 Civilization approximates the 
different species of governments — 

3 — Vigour is the result of sev- 
eral principles — Activity wisdom 
— confidence — 

4 — Extent of limits will occa- 
sion the non attendance of re- 
mote members and tend to throw 
the government into the hands 
of the Country near the seat 
of government — a reason for 
strengthening the upper branch 
and multiplying the Inducements 
to attendance — 

M r Bedford was strongly op- 
posed to so long a term as seven 
years. He begged the Committee 
to consider what the situation of 
the Country would be, in case the 
first magistrate should be saddled 
on it for such a period and it 
should be found on trial that he 
did not possess the qualifications 
ascribed to him, or should lose 
them after his appointment. 
{Madison, III, 63-64.) 



II. Notes for June 6, 7, and 8, 1787. 
Sent : 

A free government to be pre- 
ferred to an absolute monarchy 
not because of the occasional vio- 
lations of liberty or property but 
because of the tendency of the 
Free Government to interest the 
passions of the community in its 
favour beget public spirit and 
public confidence — 

Re : When public mind is pre- 
pared to adopt the present plan 
they will outgo our proposition — 
They will never part with Sover- 
eignty of the state till they are 
tired [?] of the state governments 

Mf Pinkney. If Legislatures 
do not partake in the appoint- 
ment of they will be more jealous 

Pinckney — Elections by the 
state legislatures will be better 
than those by the people — 

Principle — -Danger that the 
Executive by too frequent com- 
munication with the judicial may 
corrupt it — They may learn to 
enter into his passions — 

Note — At the period which 
terminates the duration of the 
Executive there will be always an 
awful crisis — in the National situ- 

Note. The arguments to prove 
that a negative would not be used 
would go so far as to prove that 
the revisionary power would not 
be exercised. 

The State Legislatures also he 
said would be more jealous, and 
more ready to thwart the National 
Gov!, if excluded from a partici- 
pation in it. (P. 107.) 

He differed from gentlemen who 
thought that a choice by the 
people w d be a better guard ag 5 .' 
bad measures, than by the Legisla- 
tures. {Ibid.) 

M r . Mason — The purse and 
sword will be in the hands of the 
[executive struck out] — legisla- 

The purse and the sword ought 
never to get into the same hands 
whether Legislative or Executive. 
(P. no.) 

1 One great defect of our Gov- 
ernments are that they do not pre- 
sent objects sufficiently interesting 
to the human mind. 

1 — A reason for leaving little 
or nothing to the state legislatures 

Hamilton s Notes in the Federal Convention, ij8j ioi 

will be that as their objects are 
diminished they will be worse 
composed — Proper men will be 
less inclined to participate in 
them — 

[June 7, 

ii — He would have the state 
legislatures elect senators, because 
he would bring into the general 
government the sense of the state 
Governments etc 

ii — because the most respect- 
able choices would be made — 

Note — Separate states may give 
stronger organs to their govern- 
ments and engage more the good 
will of Ind : — while Genl Gov' 
fgg* Consider the Principle of 
Rivalship by excluding the state 
Legislatures — 

General government could not 
know how to make laws for every 
part — such as respect agriculture 

= particular governments would 
have no defensive power unless let 
into the constitution as a Consti- 
tuent part ■ 

[June 8, 
Pinckney — For general Nega- 



Mf Dickinson had two reasons 
for his motion. 1, because the 
sense of the States would be better 
collected through their Govern- 
ments ; than immediately from the 
people at large; 2. because he 
wished the Senate to consist of 
the most distinguished characters 
. . . and he thought such char- 
acters more likely to be selected 
by the State Legislatures, than in 
any other mode. (P. 112.) 

M r Pinkney thought the 2* 
branch ought to be permanent and 
independent ; and that the mem- 
bers of it w'! be rendered more so by 
receiving their appointment from 
the State Legislatures. This mode 
w' 1 avoid the rivalships and dis- 
contents incident to the election 
by districts. (P. 119. ) 

It is impossible for one power 
to pervade the extreme parts of 
the U. S. so as to carry equal 
justice to them. (P. 120.) 

The State Legislatures also 
ought to have some means of de- 
fending themselves ag s .' encroach- 
ments of the Nat! Gov' . . . And 
what better means can we provide 
than the giving them some share 
in, or rather to make them a con- 
stituent part of, the NatJ Estab- 
lishment. {Ibid.} 


He urged that such a univer- 
sality of the power [to negative 
all laws which they sh d judge to be 
improper] was indispensably nec- 
essary to render it effectual. (P. 
121. ) 

102 Documents 

Gerry — Is for a negative on He had no objection to author- 

paper emissions — ize a negative to paper money and 

similar measures. (P. 123.) 
New States will arise which New States too having separate 

cannot be controuled — and may views from the old States will 
outweigh and controul — never come into the Union. They 

may even be under some foreign 
influence. {Ibid.) 
Wilson — Foreign influence may 
infect certain corners of confeder- 
acy what ought to be restrained — 
Union basis of our oppos and 
Ind [ependence] : 

III. Notes for June 6 and 8, 1787. 


I — Human mind fond of Com- 
promise — 
Maddisons Theory — 

Two principles upon which re- 
publics ought to be constructed — 

I that they have such extent as 
to render combinations on the 
ground of Interest difficult — 

II By a process of election 
calculated to refine the representa- 
tion of the People — 

Answer — There is truth in both 
these principles but they do not 
conclude so strongly as he sup- 
poses — 

— The Assembly when chosen 
will meet in one room if they are 
drawn from half the globe — and 
will be liable to all the passions 
of popular assemblies. 

If more minute links are want- 
ing others will supply them — Dis- 
tinctions of Eastern middle and 
Southern states will come into 
view ; between commercial and 
non commercial states — Imagi- 
nary lines will influence etc Hu- 
man mind prone to limit its view 
by near and local objects — 

Paper money is capable of giving 
a general impulse — It is easy to 
conceive a popular sentiment per- 
vading the E. states — 

Observ : large districts less lia- 
ble to be influenced by factious 
demmagogues than small — 

Hamilton s Notes in the Federal Convention, 1787 103 

Note — This is in some degree 
true but not so generally as may 
be supposed ■ — Frequently small 
portions of the large districts carry 
elections — An influential dem- 
agogue will give an impluse to 
the whole — Demagogues are not 
always inconsiderable persons — 
Patricians were frequently dema- 
gogues — Characters are less known 
and a less active interest taken in 
them — 

[June 8, 

Arithmetical calculation of pro- 
portional influence in General 
Government — 

Pensyl. and Delaware may have 
rivalshipin commerce — and influ- 
ence of Pens — sacrifice delaivare 

If there be a negative in G G 
— yet if a law can pass through 
all the forms of S — -C it will re- 
quire force to abrogate it. 

Butler — Will a man throw afloat 
his property and confide it to a 
government a thousand miles dis- 
tant ? 

IV. Notes for June 

M" Lansing — N [ew] S [ystem] 
— proposes to draw representation 
from the whole body of people, 
without regard to S[tate] sover- 
eignties — 

Subs : proposes to preserve the 
State Sovereignties — ■ 

Powers — Different Legislatures 
had a different object — 

— Revise the Confederation — 

Ind. States cannot be supposed 
to be willing to annihilate the 
States — 

State of New York would not 
have agreed to send members on 
this ground — 


In this case Delaware would 
have about 1/90 for its share in the 
General Councils, whilst P L . 1 and 
V'' would possess y'i of the whole. 
Is there no difference of interests, 
no rivalship of commerce, of man- 
ufactures ? Will not these large 
States crush the small ones when- 
ever they stand in the way of their 
ambitious or interested views . . . 
if a State does not obey the law 
of the new System, must not force 
be resorted to as the only ultimate 
remedy. (Pp- 125-126.) 

16 and 19, 1787. 

He was decidedly of opinion 
that the power of the Convention 
was restrained to amendments of 
a federal nature, and having for 
their basis the Confederacy in 
being. (P. 171.) 

N. York would never have con- 
curred in sending deputies to the 
Convention, if she had supposed 
the deliberations were to turn on 
a consolidation of the States, and 
a National Government. (Pp. 



In vain to devise systems how- 
ever good which will not be 
adopted — 

If convulsions happen nothing 
we can do will give them a direc- 
tion — 

Legislatures cannot be expected 
to make such a sacrifice — 

The wisest men in forming a 
system from theory apt to be mis- 
taken — 

The present national govern- 
ment has no precedent or experi- 
ence to support it — 

General opinion that certain ad- 
ditional powers ought to be given 
to Congress — 

M" Patterson — i — plan accords 
with powers 

2 — accords with sentiments of 
the People — 

If Confederation radically de- 
fective we ought to return to our 
states and tell them so — 

Comes not here to sport senti- 
ments of his own but to speak the 
sense of his Constituents — 

— States treat [ed] as equal — 
Present Compact gives one Vote 

to each state. 

alterations are to be made by 
Congress and all the Legisla- 
tures — 

All parties to a Contract must 
assent to its dissolution — 

States collectively have advan- 
tages in which the smaller states 
do not participate — therefore in- 
dividual rules do not apply — 

— Force of government will 
not depend on proportion of repre- 
sentation — but on 

Quantity of power — 

— Check not necessary in a 
ge[ne]ral government of commu- 
nities — but 

in an individual state spirit of 
faction is to be checked — 

How have Congress hitherto 
conducted themselves ? 

The People approve of Congress 
but think they have not powers 
enough — 

And it is in vain to propose 
what will not accord with these 
[sentiments of the people] . (P. 

The Scheme is itself totally 
novel. There is no parallel to it 
to be found. {Ibid.) 

... an augmentation of the 
powers of Congress will be readily 
approved by them. {Ibid.) 

He preferred it because it ac- 
corded 1. with the powers of the 
Convention, 2 with the sentiments 
of the people. If the confederacy 
was radically wrong, let us return 
to our States, and obtain larger 
powers, not assume them our- 
selves. I came here not to speak 
my own sentiments, but the senti- 
ments of those who sent me. (Pp. 

. . . 5".' art : of Confederation 
giving each State a vote — and 
the 13 th declaring that no altera- 
tion shall be made without unani- 
mous consent. . . . What is unan- 
imously done, must be unani- 
mously undone. (P. 173.) 

Its efficacy will depend on the 
quantum of power collected, not 
on its being drawn from the States, 
or from the individuals. (P. 174.) 

But the reason of the precau- 
tion [a check] is not applicable 
to this case. Within a particular 
State, where party heats prevail, 
such a check may be necessary. 
{Ibid. ) 

Do the people at large com- 
plain of Cong'? No, what they 
wish is that Cong 3 may have more 

Hamilton 's A T otcs in the Federal Convention, 1787 105 

power. . . . With proper powers 
Cong! will act with more energy 
and wisdom than the proposed 
Nat? Legislature ; being fewer in 
number. (Pp. 174-175.) 

-Pointsof Disagreement — 

One branch — 

from states — 

— body constituted like Con- 
gress from the fewness of their 
numbers more wisdom and en- 

than the complicated system of 
Virginia — 

— Expence enormous — 
180 — commons 

90 — senators 
270 — 

V — 

1 2 or three 

branches — 

2 Derives au- 

thority from 
People — 

3 Proportion of 

suffrage — 

4 — Single Ex- 

ecutive — 

5 — Majority to 

govern — 

6 — Legislate in 

all matters 
of general 
Concern — 

7 Negative — 

8 Removeable 

by impeach- 
ment — 
9 — Qualified Nega- 
tive by Ex- 


Plural — 
Minority to 
govern — 
partial ob- 
jects — 

None — 

on application 
of majorityof 


ecutive — 

10 — lnf[erior] . 

nals — None — 

11 — Original] : 

tion in all 
cases of None — 
Rev — 
12. NationalGov- to be ratified 
ernment to by Legisla- 
be ratified tures — 
by People — 

. . . You have 270, coming 
once at least a year from the most 
distant as well as the most central 
parts of the republic . . . can so 
expensive a System be seriously 
thought of? (P. 175. ) 

See pp. 175-176. 

106 Documents 

— Empowered to propose every P. 176. 

to conclude nothing — 

— Does not think state govern- Ibid. 
ments the idols of the people — 

Thinks a competent national 
government will be a favourite of 
the people — 

Complaints from every part of 
United States that the purposes of 
government cannot be answered — 

— In constituting a government 
— not merely necessary to give 
proper powers — but to give them 
to proper hands — ■ 

Two reasons against giving ad- Ibid. 

ditional powers to Congress — 

— First it does not stand on the 
authority of the people — 

Second — It is a single branch — 
Inequality — the poison of all 
governments — 

— Lord Chesterfield speaks of a p. 178. 
Commission to be obtained for a 

member of a small province — 

Pinkney — P. 179. 

Mf Elsworth — Ibid. 

W. Randolp[h] —Spirit of the 
People in favour of the Virginian 
scheme — 

We have powers ; but if we bad M! Randolph, was not scrupu- 

not we ought not to scruple — lous on the point of power. 

( Ibid. ) 

[June 19, 1787.] 

Maddison — Breach of compact A breach of the fundamental 

in one article releases the whole — principles of the compact by a 

part of the Society would cer- 
tainly absolve the other part from 
their obligations to it. (P. 210.) 
Treaties may still be violated The proposed amendment to it 

by the states under the Jersey [the existing Confederacy] does 
plan — not supply the omission. (P. 

212. ) 
appellate jurisdiction not sufh- . . . of what avail c'! an appel- 

cient because second trial cannot late tribunal be, after an acquittal ? 
be had under it — (P. 213.) 

Attempt made by one of the It had been found impossible 

greatest monarchs of Europe to for the power of one of the most 
equalize the local peculiarities of absolute princes in Europe (K. of 

Hamilton 's Notes in the Federal Convention, 

1787 107 

their separate provinces- 
the Agent fell a victim 

-in which 

M r Pinckney x is of opinion that 
the first branch ought to be ap- 
pointed in such manner as the 
legislatures shall direct — 

Impracticable for general legis- 
lature to decide contested elec- 
tions — 

V. Notes for 

M r Lansing — Resolved that the 
powers of legislation ought to be 
vested in the United States in 

— If our plan be not adopted it 
will produce those mischiefs which 
we are sent to obviate — 

Principles of system — 

Equality of Representation — 

Dependence of members of 

Congress on States — 

So long as state distinctions 

exist state prejudices will operate 

whether election be by states or 

people — 

— If no interest to oppress no 
need of apportionment — ■ 

France) directed by the wisdom 
of one of the most enlightened 
and patriotic Ministers (M. r Neck- 
ar), etc. (P. 219.) 

June 20, 1787. 

M T . Lansing . . . moved . . . 
"that the powers of Legislation 
be vested in the U. States in Con- 
gress." (P. 227.) 

If it were true that such a uni- 
formity of interests existed among 
the States, there was equal safety 
for all of them, whether the repre- 
sentation remained as heretofore, 
or were proportioned as now pro- 
posed. (P. 228.) 

Is it conceivable that there will 
be leisure for such a task ? (P. 

Will the members of the Gen- 
eral Legislature be competent 
Judges ? ( Ibid. ) 

— Virginia 16 — Delaware 1 — 

— Will General Government 
have leisure to examine state 
laws — ? 

— Will G Government have 
the necessary information ? 

— Will states agree to sur- 

— Let us meet public opinion 
and hope the progress of sentiment 
will make future arrangements — 

— Would like my [Hamilton's] 
system if it could be established 
System without example — 

M r Mason — Objection to grant- 
ing power to Congress arose from 
their constitution. 

1 This note is on the same sheet as the notes for June 19, but has not been identi- 
fied as belonging to that date. 



Sword and purse in one body — 

Two principles in which Amer- 
ica are unanimous 

i attachment to Republican 

2 — to two branches of legisla- 
ture — 

— Military force and liberty in- 
compatible — 

— Will people maintain a stand- 
ing army ? — 

— Will endeavour to preserve 
state governments and draw lines 
— trusting to posterity to amend — 

Mf Martin — General Govern- 
ment originally formed for the 
preservation of state govern- 
ments — 

Objection to giving power to 
Congress has originated with the 
legislatures — 

10 of the states interested in 
an equal voice — 

Real motive was an opinion 
that there ought to be distinct 
governments and not a general 
government — 

If we should form a general 
government twould break to pieces 

— For common safety instituted 
a General gover[n]ment — 

Jealousy of power the motive — 

People have delegated all their 
authority to state governments — 

Caution necessary to both sys- 
tems — 

Requisitions necessaryupon one 
system as upon another — 

In their system made requisi- 
tions necessary in the first in- 
stance but left Congress in the 

Is it to be thought that the 
people of America . . . will sur- 
render both the sword and the 
purse, to the same body . . . ? 
(Pp. 230-231.) 

In two points he was sure it 
was well settled. 1. in an attach- 
ment to Republican Government. 

2. in an attachment to more than 
one branch in the Legislature. 

(P- 231.) 

The most jarring elements of 
Nature . . . are not more in- 
compatible that [n] such a mix- 
ture of civil liberty and military 
execution. (P. 232. ) 

See pp. 232-233. 

Gen 1 Gov! . . . was instituted 
for the purpose of that support 
[of the State Gov'. 5 ]. (P. 233.) 

... it was the Legislatures 
not the people who refused to 
enlarge their powers. {Ibid.) 

. . . otherwise ten of the States 
must always have been ready, to 
place further confidence in Cong" 

. . . people of America pre- 
ferred the establishment of them- 
selves into thirteen separate sover- 
eignties instead of incorporating 
themselves into one. {Ibid.) 

See pp. 233-234. 

. . . people of the States hav- 
ing already vested their powers in 
their respective Legislatures, etc. 
(P- 234-) 

Hamilton s Notes in the Federal Convention, 1787 109 

second instance to assess them- 
selves — 

Judicial tribunals in the differ- 
ent states would become odious 

If we always to make a change 
shall be always in a state of in- 
fancy — 

figi" States will not be disposed 
hereafter to strengthen — the gen- 
eral government. 

M r Sherman — Confederacy 
carried us through the war 

Non compliances of States 
owing to various embarrassments 

Why should state legislatures 
be unfriendly ? 

State governments will always 
have the confidence and govern- 
ment of the people : if they can- 
not be conciliated no efficacious 
government can be established. 

Sense of all states that one 
branch is sufficient — 

If consolidated all treaties will 
be void. 

State governments more fit for 
local legislation customs habits 

. . . would be viewed with a 
jealousy inconsistent with its use- 
fulness. {Ibid.) 

Cong 8 carried us thro' the war. 
{Ibid. ) ' 

. . . much might be said in 
apology for the failure ... to 
comply with the Confederation. 

(P- 235-) 

. . . saw no reason why the 
State Legislatures should be un- 
friendly. {Ibid. ) 

In none of the ratifications is 
the want of two branches noticed 
or complained of. (P. 236.) 

To consolidate the States . . . 
would dissolve our treaties. 
{Ibid. ) 

Each State like each individual 
had its peculiar habits usages and 
manners. {Ibid.) 

VI. Notes, Probably for Debate of June 26, 1787. 

I Every government ought to have the means of self preservation 

II — Combinations of a few large states might subvert 
II — Could not be abused without a revolt 

II Different genius of the states and different composition of the 

NOTE. Senate could not desire [?] to promote such a class 

III Uniformity in the time of elections — 

Objects of a Senate 

To afford a double security against Faction in the house of represen- 

Duration of the Senate necessary to its Firmness 


sense of national character 


1 10 Documents 

2. Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1862. 

( First Installment. ) 

The following letters were found among the private papers and 
correspondence of President Franklin Pierce. For access to these 
papers and permission to publish such as are here presented grateful 
acknowledgments are due to the custodian of the originals, Hon. Kirk 
D. Pierce, nephew of President Pierce, an able and well-known 
lawyer residing in Hillsboro, N. H., the early home of the Presi- 
dent. The letters were copied, edited, and contributed to the Review 
by P. O. Ray, Instructor in History and Political Science of the 
Pennsylvania State College. 

I. Edmund Burke 1 to Franklin Pierce (Unsigned Copy). 

Confidential. Washington, April 9, 1852. 

My dear Sir : 

I came to this city about one fortnight ago on business connected with 
patents, now pending in Congress. And since I have been here I have 
had very considerable opportunity to learn the sentiments of politicians 
in relation to the next Democratic nomination for the Presidency. The 
three most prominent candidates for the nomination are Cass, Buchanan, 
and Douglass. Gen. Cass I think now has most friends although it seems 
to be the general impression that he can not get two-thirds of the Con- 
vention. Next to him Douglass is the most prominent. He has a good 
share of the Northwest to back him. After the Indiana delegation has 
given one vote for Gen. Lane they will go in for Douglass. So Wm. R. 
Brown tells me who is one of the Delegates at large. Tennessee and a 
portion of the Kentucky Delegation I understand will early come in to 
the support of Douglass. On the other hand, Mr. Buchanan seems to 
have but very little support out of Pennsylvania. Therefore, the struggle 
will be between Cass and Douglass. The old experienced politicians here 
are of the opinion that it will result in the defeat of both. Then of 
course the Convention will have to look about for a candidate among 
those who are not candidates directly for the nomination. Among these 
are Marcy, Dickinson, Butler, and Lynn Boyd, who are talked of. The 
two first will not unite the vote of N. Y., although the latter is very popu- 
lar at the South. Gen. Butler a high-toned chivalrous and sound man 
seems to be under a cloud here in consequence of the fact that Benton 

'See Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography. Burke had served several 
terms in the House as a representative from New Hampshire, and had been Commissioner 
of Patents from 1846 to 1850. Shortly after Pierce's inauguration Burke became a bitter 
enemy of the administration, often attacking its policy in the columns of the New Hamp- 
shire State Capitol Reporter. So bitter was his assault upon Douglas and the administra- 
tion at the time when the Nebraska Bill was pending in Congress, that Douglas replied 
in a long letter, which appeared in the columns of the New Hampshire Patriot and State 
Gazette (Concord), the organ of the administration in that state. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852— 1862 1 1 1 

Blair, and that class of politicians put him forward. I do not think it 
possible for him to survive this prejudice, and therefore I think that the 
N. H. Patriot has been too fast in putting him forward. Out of Ky. he 
seems to be the choice of nobody except the freesoilers of N. Y., and 
perhaps of Judge Bright of Indiana. And Lynn Boyd is not now a 
formidable candidate. 

Now in my judgment if at the proper time at the Convention you will 
allow your name to be used as a compromise candidate, you stand as good 
a chance of the nomination as any man I can now think of. 

In casual conversation I have asked southern gentlemen how you 
would suit the South and they have invariably responded most favorably. 
I am boarding with Col. Barbour, President of the late Virginia Demo- 
cratic Convention, and he says the South would cordially unite on you. 
He tells me that a majority of the Convention was for Buchanan in pre- 
ference to Cass or Douglass. There is another very intelligent gentleman 
boarding with me from Florida, by the name of Blunt. Mr. Atherton ' 
knows him. I believe he is a Whig. But he says that no Northern man 
would be more generally acceptable than yourself to the South. I have 
also talked with Floyd, M. C, from New York and he says both of the 
Democratic factions in that State would unite upon you. Hence I believe 
that you are among the very probable candidates for the Presidency, if 
you will allow your name to be used at the right time. 

But I must say frankly that you have not been quite free enough with 
your friends in relation to this subject. I can not learn as anyone knows 
what you would do or consent to have others do in reference to the 
nomination. You hold out the idea that there is no office you will again 
accept. Unless your determination never to accept of any office is irre- 
vocable, I think you should say that you place your destinies so far as the 
Presidency is concerned in the hands of your friends. 

I do not of course think it prudent to put you forward as a candidate 
for the Presidency until the three prominent candidates are first disposed 
of. If they shall all be defeated in the Convention, then your name 
should be put forward as a compromise candidate. 

You will see by the proceedings in the House (which will be followed 
up in the Baltimore Convention) that our ticket has got to be entirely 
clear of freesoilism. The very general idea that the N. Y. freesoilers, 
Rantoul, Cleaveland, and others, hope to regain position in the Demo- 
cratic party by the election of Butler, kills off all his prospects. There- 
fore, in my firm belief the Patriot has started off in a wrong track. 

I shall be here until the 1st of May I think. I see our client Brown 
has run away. 

Yours truly, 

[Edmund Burke.] 

Gen. F. Pierce. 

1 Charles G. Atherton, of New Hampshire, author of the " Gag Resolution ". See 
V, Burke to Pierce, June 6, 1852, p. 114. 

1 1 2 Documents 

II. Franklin Pierce to Edmund Burke (Unsigned Copy). 

Concord, Apl. 13, 1852. 
My dear Sir : 

I received your letter of the 9th inst. last night and desire without 
delay to acknowledge it with my thanks. I am quite surprised that you 
should speak of my not having been free enough with my friends upon 
the subject of your letter. I wrote to Atherton as I thought and felt. 1 
What more had I apparently to say? Judging from what you say and 
what others have written within the last fortnight, the aspect of things 
has materially changed. The writing of that letter was a source of much 
dissatisfaction to my personal friends. But I deemed it a matter [of 
duty ?] as things then presented themselves one of which I alone could 
judge. My heart was full of gratitude to my State as it had been many 
times before, to overflowing but it was at the same time more full of de- 
votion to the party and I did not believe that N. H. or the National party 
had anything to gain by having my name in the list of aspirants. If you 
and my other discreet friends think (without reference to me personally) 
that the pride of our State, the success of the cause can be subserved by 
the use of my name then you must judge for me in view of all the circum- 
stances. I wrote yesterday to my old friend French, 2 but hope he will 
confer with you and Norris 3 and Hibbard 4 and Peaslee 5 . I said to him 
in a hurry but more and more fully than I can say here. I must leave 
the matter to my friends at W. looking, as I am sure they will, to what 
is my duty and what may be the best interests of the party. 

It is now 1 o'clock at night and I am in the midst of an important 
trial. Our client Brown ran discreetly. Write me as soon as you receive 

Your friend 
Hon. Edmund Burke, [Franklin Pierce.] 

Washington, D. C. 

P. S. I keep no copy and wish you would forward me one for I may 
need it in coming time. While I leave myself to my friends, they would 
desire me to keep my record clear, even if I had no such desire myself. 

Tuesday night, 2 o'clock. 

1 At a ratification meeting held at Concord, June io, 1852, Colonel John H. George 
of Concord is reported to have said : "On the 8th of January last the Democratic State 
Convention of New Hampshire unanimously presented the name of General Franklin 
Pierce to the people of the nation as a candidate for the highest office in its gift. . .' 
Immediately after the action of the last State Convention, General Pierce wrote his letter 
to Mr. Atherton declining to be a candidate for the Presidency and declaring that the use 
of his name in any event before the Democratic National Convention would be utterly 
repugnant to his tastes and wishes. . ." See the Patriot and Gazette (Concord), 
June 16, 1852. 

2 Probably William H. French, aide-de-camp on General Pierce's staff during the 
Mexican War. 

3 Moses Norris, Jr., U. S. senator from New Hampshire. 

4 Harry Hibbard, a representative from New Hampshire. 

5 Charles H. Peaslee, representative from New Hampshire, 1847-1853. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1S62 1 1 3 

III. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 

Baltimore, June 5, 1852. 
Dear General. 

We are in great hopes of nominating you this morning. The thing 
is about ripe. We have intimations from the delegations from Pennsyl- 
vania and Virginia that they will soon lead off for you. The South will 
come in, so will Maine, Conn, and I think all N. E. Michigan will 
also. The prospects are more encouraging than ever. 

But you know the whole thing is contingent. So do not be too 
much elated. If God and the people give you the nomination and elec- 
tion, bear your honors calmly, meekly and with dignity. I have no 
doubt you will. You know I do not express opinions without a careful 
survey of the facts of the case. But in the opinion I now express I may 
be mistaken. We are all excited here and probably I may be more than 

The convention is about to work. Adieu. In haste, 

Yours truly, 

Edmund Burke. 

IV. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 

Baltimore, June 5, 1852. 
Dear General. 

I wrote you this morning that in all probability you would be nomi- 
nated, and I said, if God and the people nominated and elected you, you 
must wear the transcendent honor with calmness, meekness and dignity, 
as becoming a true man and a Christian. I have no doubt you will. 
We have all done the best we could for you. We have pledged you 
to nothing except that you would be honest, faithful, true, discreet and 
just. We have no doubt you will fulfill all these pledges we have made 
for you. 

The scene in the convention was grand — sublime. The cannon 
has already heralded your success. Mighty destiny, be true to it. 

Gov. Dickinson tells me that New York will give you her vote by 
30,000. The enthusiasm is tremendous. You unite all cliques. 

Now your biography must be written. Send me the materials at 
Washington and I will prepare it for you. I have made arrangements 
already with Dr. Hebbe, the author of the Universal History, a man of 
great talent and distinction and great influence with the German popula- 
tion, to undertake and publish it at once in that language. [Name illeg- 
ible] another German, will take the stump for you. I know these men 
well. They can do more for you with the foreign population than all 

I think I can serve you best by remaining at Washington a few days. 
I know men from every state in the Union. You will be elected. 

Yours truly, 
F. Pierce. Edmund Burke. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 8. 

1 1 4 Documents 

V. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 

Baltimore, June 6, 1852. 
Dear General. 

I suppose by this time you have heard of the result of the deliberations 
of the National Democratic Convention and have become " calm as a 
summer's morning". I think we did right in putting King on the 
ticket. You know he is Buchanan's bosom friend and thus a great and 
powerful interest is conciliated. Our nominations also please both wings 
of the Democratic party in New York. They were content with slaying 
each other and both will cordially unite on you. If Scott is nominated 
the great battle-ground will be in New York and Pennsylvania. The 
slave states will fall into our laps like ripe apples. I think your election 
is certain but I remember while I express my opinion, that all things 
pertaining to humanity are uncertain and therefore you upon whom the 
great honor has fallen must not be too elated or sanguine. You must 
prepare yourself for the result, whatever it may be. I think you will be 
elected because all cliques of the democracy are united on you as they 
were on Mr. Polk. 

I wrote you to send your minutes for a biography. It is wanted 
immediately. Perhaps I may not be able to stay at Washington long 
enough to prepare it and perhaps you may not desire that I should do it. 
If not, Gen. Peaslee will do it well and I will see Dr. Hebbe and tell 
him to translate it at once into German. I am anxious to get home to 
Concord on account of a certain event. May it not be best to postpone 
the election of Senator until fall ? If you are elected will you not then 
desire the election of your own first choice among the candidates? In 
that event would not Mr. Atherton 1 be the best man for you in that 
body, through whom the administration can speak? In the event of 
your election I, or one of the candidates, shall be glad to defer to your 
wishes. I have no doubt the Democratic members of the Legislature 
will now so far consult your wishes as to postpone the election, if you 
desire it. 

I shall remain a few days at Washington on business at the Patent 
and Pension offices, and while I am here I will do all I can to arrange 
things for the coming campaign. 

I am in correspondence with Kossuth and through Dr. Hebbe can do 
something with the foreign population. Kossuth has great influence with 
them and will naturally suppose without any assurance that a northern 
administration will sympathize more with the popular movement in 
Europe than a southern or Whig administration. Kossuth should be 
invited to New Hampshire, but should receive nothing from you but 
courtesies and civilities. I am also acquainted with the editor of the 
leading German paper in the United States and have promised to see 

'Charles G. Atherton, reelected to the Senate in November, 1852. Died Novem- 
ber, 1853. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 18 52-1862 1 15 

him on my return home through New York. We can do much through 
these channels. I expect to see you soon. 

In haste yours truly, 

Edmund Burke. 
Gen. F. Pierce. 

VI. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 
Hon. Franklin Pierce, Washington, June 8, 1852. 

My dear Sir. 

I write to-day in relation to a matter personal to ourselves. Mr. 
Houston, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means told me yester- 
day that he had been informed on good authority, that you were hostile 
to me, in fact, my enemy. When I was here in April last, I had a letter 
from a gentleman in New Hampshire informing me of the same fact and 
that the cause of it was some article in the Argus and Spectator ; and in 
consequence you were opposed to my election to the Senate. Before re- 
ceiving this letter, I had written to you my first letter in relation to your 
prospects for the Presidential nomination and received your reply ; and 
the frankness and confidence expressed in the latter, led me at once to 
treat the intimation I had received as an idle rumor. Immediately after 
an intimate friend and relation of the gentleman who first wrote me, 
addressed a letter to me informing me that it was a mistake, and that you 
were not unfriendly to me. But the intimation from the Chairman of 
the Committee of Ways and Means, upon which I had supposed there was 
one of my personal friends from N. H. leads me to suspect that some one 
has not understood your relations with me and has given a wrong im- 
pression in regard to them ; or that I have myself misunderstood the 
true spirit which has dictated your letters to me, as well as our personal 
interview at Newport. I believe that you have been misrepresented to 
Mr. Houston. But however it may be, I have no doubt you will have 
the frankness to say honestly and truly what your sentiments toward me 
are. If they be even as Mr. Houston has been informed, it will make 
no difference in the humble support I shall give to your nomination. I 
shall do all in my humble power to secure your election. That I owe to 
the great cause to which I have always been attached. But it may make 
some difference in the course I ought to pursue to accomplish that very 
object. It is more than probable that I shall be fixed upon to assume the 
editorial work of the Union l newspaper during the canvass. I seem to 
be the almost unanimous choice of our party in Congress for that position. 
But the consciousness that we are not friends, and that I was aiding to 
elevate my personal enemy to the White House, might dampen my ardor 
in the conflict, although I should do my best to prevent it. These con- 
siderations, if they are founded in fact, would render it very improper for 

1 The Washington Union (daily). See VIII, Pierce to Burke, June 14, 1852, p. 
1 17. Burke was campaign editor of the Union during the late summer and autumn of 1852 

1 1 6 Documents 

me to take charge of the Union. The heart of the editor of that paper 
should go into the conflict with no secret sadness nor grief. — But for the 
good of our cause, which must triumph in this contest, I should not be 
the editor of the Union if our relations are really such as have been inti- 
mated to me since I have been in this city. 

From the first moment I saw the prospect dawning for you, I have 
done my utmost to accomplish the great result. Your nomination was 
effected precisely as I supposed it must be if at all. I never had but one 
opinion about it. But I claim no credit to myself in bringing about this 
result. All your friends from N. H. did all in their power to accom- 
plish it. My extensive acquaintance with the politicians of the Union 
gave me, perhaps, some advantage over other of your friends. There 
was not a delegation in the Convention in which there were not more or 
less members with whom I was acquainted. I have a pretty extensive 
acquaintance with leading German politicians, and editors, both native 
and naturalized. These were of some benefit to us, and I shall avail 
myself of this acquaintance to bring the foreign vote so far as possible to 
the support of our cause. 

And finally whatever may be said and done by jealous and rival poli- 
ticians in N. H. their calumnies cannot shake my standing with the 
Democracy of the Union. Most of them will have to work hard as I 
have done before they attain to the same position before the country at 
large. I have been free and full in this letter. For your good and that 
of our cause we ought to know how we stand in relation to each other, 
in order that I may not get into any position which will in the remotest 
degree affect unfavorably our great cause, which must now triumph, or it 
will fall not to rise again for a quarter of a century. 

Your nomination is received with great enthusiasm. It unites all 
factions of our party and seems to inspire every one with confidence in 
our success. 

I am, very truly your friend etc, 

Edmund Burke. 
Gen. F. Pierce. 

VII. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 

Washington, June 10, 1852. 
My dear Sir : 

Yesterday Mr. Ritchie ' placed in my hands a letter from Robert G. 
Scott, Esq., of Richmond in relation to your answer to his letter addressed 
to the different Presidential candidates. I handed the letter to Gen. 
Peaslee to be communicated to you in the belief that it might be of some 
use to you in framing your reply to the letter of the committee appointed 
to inform you of your nomination. 2 

1 Thomas Ritchie, editor of The Washington Union. 

2 This committee consisted of J. S. Barbour, J. Thompson, Alpheus Field, and 
Pierre Soule. The letter of notification referred to is still in existence. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1S62 1 1 7 

The western men are also a little alarmed in consequence of your 
votes upon the River and Harbor appropriations while in Congress, 
which the Republic newspaper has collected and published. Perhaps 
this is a matter which it would be expedient for you to consider in your 
reply. The western men think the Whigs will argue to the people that 
you will veto all bills whatever for the improvement of Harbors and 
Rivers, which would make your election an uphill business in the West. 
On the other hand some western members, including Douglass and Rich- 
ardson of Illinois and Dunham of Indiana, think it will not hurt you at all. 

But those who think it will injure you in the West, say that if in your 
reply to the Committee you could in some general phraseology say that 
you entered public life during the eventful administration of Gen. Jack- 
son whose principles you have ever maintained, referring to his course 
upon Internal Improvements, but finally coming down upon the Balti- 
more platform, as your true position, it would be well. They say they 
can stand up to a man to the principles of Gen. Jackson on that subject, 
but they cannot fully to the doctrine of Mr. Polk's veto message. You 
can and will weigh these matters carefully and deliberately and make 
such reference to them as you deem expedient or none at all. 

The ratification meeting in this city last night was the largest I ever 
saw here. Messrs. Cass, Houston, Lane, Davis and others spoke. 
Father Ritchie ' made a few remarks. These facts show that our party 
are thoroughly united and determined to win. 

By judicious management all the foreign populations can be brought 
to your support. Dr. Hebbe the distinguished Swedish scholar, left for 
N. York yesterday to address the German societies in that city. He has 
also written to many of the leading German editors in Pennsylvania and 
elsewhere. And this morning I received a prospectus for a new paper 
in the Welsh language to be published in Pottsville, Pa. It will be the 
first one in the United States. It is endorsed by Hon. F. W. Hughes, 
Secretary of State for Pennsylvania. 

Yours truly, 

Edmund Burke 
Hon. Franklin Pierce. 

VIII. Franklin Pierce to Edmund Burke (Copy). 

Concord N H 

June 14, 1852 2 
My clear sir : 

I returned from my journey to-day and hasten to answer your letter 
of June 8th wh I found an hour since among a large package awaiting 
my arrival. 

In the first place I should like to know Mf Houston's authority. But 
without that, I will proceed to set matters right so far as we are con- 

1 Thomas Ritchie of the Union. 

2 Either this letter, or the reply of Burke (IX), perhaps each, is misdated. The 
error, however, is one of only a few days. 

1 1 8 Documents 

cerned. I can state distinctly, that the charge that I am yr. enemy has, 
so far as I know, no foundation in any act or word of mine. I had 
heard prior to the receipt of your letter in April that you were evidently 
unfriendly to me, and that if I desired to be brought before the National 
Convention, my first object should be to conciliate you. I uniformly 
replied, ist, That I did not seek to be a candidate ; 2d. That if it were 
otherwise, I would not turn on my heel to conciliate any man; and 3d. 
That I could not conceive that you were hostile, because I had always 
understood our relations to be of a friendly character. Your letter of 
April assured me that I had not misjudged and I supposed that we under- 
stood each other. 

When I was informed of the controversy between yourself and Mr. 
Butterfield, 1 I expressed my deep regret, but was determined not to be in 
any way involved in it. I have not read the articles on either side, but 
I heard your first article freely commented on, and stated that if you had 
made a general assault upon the politicians of Concord, charging them 
with being under the influence of corporations and desiring to dictate to 
other parts of the State, such charges were groundless and unjustifiable, 
and in this I think few true men would differ with me. You have never 
been assailed by me. No act or word of mine justifies the charge. Now 
for the authority ! What is charged and by whom? 

I have received several letters from different gentlemen in relation to 
the "Union' 1 * and matters connected therewith. As I understand the 
matter, it is a subject about which it would be neither politic nor just for 
me to speak. The democratic party have nominated me. They have 
presented a platform upon which I am willing to stand. I would not 
presume to enlarge or narrow it. The manner in wh., and the instru- 
mentality through which, the nomination is to be sustained, must be left 
entirely to others. I shall not attempt to control, nor shall I, as at pres- 
ent advised, permit myself even to suggest. 

I thank you for your frankness. It is the only way to maintain 
proper relations between friends personal or political. 

Your friend, 

Frank Pierce. 

IX. Edmund Burke to Franklin Pierce. 

Washington, June 14, 1852. 
Hon. Franklin Pierce 
My dear Sir, 

I have deferred answering your letter of the 14th inst. until I could 
see Mr. Houston and learn from him the author of the intimation which 
he made to me and to which I referred in my letter of the 8th inst. I 
have not been able to see him until to-day, and I made enquiry of him in 
relation to the matter. He says he can not now recall to mind the per- 

1 Editor of the New Hampshire Patriot and Slate Gazette, published at Concord. 

2 See VI, Burke to Pierce, June 8, 1852, p. 115. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1862 1 1 9 

son from whom he derived the impression that we were not on friendly 
terms. He says he and several other gentlemen were discussing the pro- 
priety of my taking the editorial charge of the Union newspaper when 
some one remarked that it might not be agreeable to you for we were 
opposed to each other in our State politics. Mr. Houston says it was 
from this remark that he got the impression which he stated to me. But 
it is now of no account. Your letter leaves no ground for me to doubt 
that our personal relations are now, as they have always been, friendly. 
I am aware that it was unnecessary for you to court the favor of any man — 
a more fortunate position than that in which most men are placed — but 
I have never acted in bad faith with regard to your nomination. I wrote 
you fully and frankly from this city in April last, what I thought the 
condition of things was here. I expressed then, as I did after my return 
to New Hampshire by letter, and orally in our personal interview at 
Newport, my belief in the great probability of your nomination, and how 
it was to be brought about. And I steadily acted with that end in view. 
I knew it was not policy to bring you out as a candidate for the nomina- 
tion at the outset, and that you could only be nominated as a compromise 
candidate, and in this our whole delegation, I believe, agreed and we 
acted accordingly. And, of course, you owe your nomination to no one 
of us, nor to any particular man, but to your own position and a fortunate 
combination of circumstances, the noble . character of the Granite State 
having some little weight in the matter. 

I am aware that the Concord people, and I count Mr. Butterfield 
among the foremost of them, circulated the story during the late session 
of the Legislature that I was opposed to your nomination to the last, and 
that it was made against my wishes and active opposition. This is a 
base calumny for which there is not one particle of foundation, and I 
have no doubt your sense of justice will induce you to correct it. At 
any rate, I intend that it shall be taken back by those who put it afloat. 
If I had been opposed to you in the critical period when a slight circum- 
stance might have defeated you, humble as I am, if I had been so disposed, 
perhaps I might have accomplished it. I knew more men in that Con- 
vention than any other man from our State, and without vanity I think I 
may say that my standing with the Democracy of this nation is as good 
as that of any other delegate from N. H. If I had used the advantages 
which these circumstances gave me, at one time, possibly I might have 
had some influence on the result. They were all however used to pro- 
mote your success, and not to prevent it. But enough on this point. 

As to the quarrel between the Argus and Patriot, I understood from 
Mr. Baldwin, and now' understand from yourself that you do not take 
part in it. I was glad to be thus assured of what I before believed was 
the truth about the matter. 

As to the statements made in the first article in the Argus, I am not 
aware that they are untrue. The two leading statements are that Col. 
George did not carry the late election in N. H. as claimed by the Patriot ; 
and that a portion of the Democrats of Concord were too much connected 

120 Documents 

with corporations, and gave their countenance to corporate influence. 
Those statements were not published in the Argus until they had first 
been shown to leading democrats out of Sullivan Co. who concurred in 
them. I believe them to be true, and I stand by the truth without fear 
or favor from any man. If the records of various corporations at Concord 
and the history of our past legislature does not bear out what I say, then 
I will retract, but there is no power on earth that will make me retract 
what I believe to be true. I know a great many of the soundest and best 
democrats in New Hampshire concur with the Argus and with myself in 
this belief. The Argus has sustained in this controversy precisely the 
same principles which it sustained fifteen years ago, when it had the cor- 
dial support and encouragement of yourself and your venerated father. 
It has not changed on this matter of corporations. It did not move or 
change when the Patriot, and a large portion of the Democratic Party 
gave way on the Wilmot Proviso. And it will stand by its principles 
and flag, if it stands alone, no matter by whom it may be denounced. 
But I have dwelt longer on this topic than I intended. 

Before this reaches you, you will have learned that Gen. Scott has 
been nominated. The nomination of Graham, with the platform, will 
generally unite the Whigs of the South. I think, with Gen. Scott's great 
and undisputed military services, it will require some effort on the part 
of the Democracy to beat him. I am afraid our friends have been all too 
confident of success. They seem to take it for granted that we are to 
carry the election. I cannot learn that they are doing much. They are 
not going into the combat with the promptness and energy which the 
occasion demands. I do not think our Central Executive Committee is 
made up of the right sort of men. Robert McLane of Baltimore is 
Chairman. He is a man of talents, but I think he has not the industry 
nor the practical experience necessary for getting up good political tracts. 
Dr. Gwin is also a man of ability and good sound sense, but he has too 
much California business to attend to. And Messrs. Edgerton and Penn 
[?] of the House, are neither of them the right sort of men for such 
duties as will devolve on the Executive Committee. Ten days ago I 
placed in the hands of the Committee a proposition with regard to the 
establishment of a Welsh paper in Pottsville, Pa. I had secured a letter 
from Col. Hughes, Secretary of State of Pennsylvania, with regard to the 
subject, and also communications from other gentlemen of that State. 
I supposed the matter would be attended to, but so far from that, on 
Monday last Mr. Penn [?] told me the Committee had not organized. 
Our friends here seem to think the battle is to be won without fighting. 

I have had some opportunity to observe the effect of Scott's nomina- 
tion, and am satisfied that it will very generally unite the Whig party. 
Many of the delegates from the South are now in the city, and 1 find that 
the adoption of a platform and the nomination of Graham has removed 
their objections to Scott, and all those Whig politicians in Congress, who 
have not so far committed themselves against Scott that they cannot 
honorably back out, will go in for him. I understand Gen. Dawson of 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1S52-1S62 1 2 1' 

Ga. has already given in his adhesion. I am satisfied that the Whig 
party will be united under Scott and that with his unquestionably great 
military reputation and long public service he will be a hard candidate to 
beat. Therefore I think it is time for our party to lay aside the delusion 
that we are to gain an easy victory, and make up our minds for one of 
the hardest contests we have ever had I believe we shall be successful if 
we fight the battle as we ought. If we do not we shall be beaten. 

I dined in company with Mr. Soule and other gentlemen yesterday. 
Mr. S. spoke of his interview with you, and in the most complimentary 
terms of yourself. I think he was most agreeably disappointed. Col. 
Barbour also was highly delighted with his acquaintance with you. Both 
he and Mr. Soule not only spoke most favorably of your deportment as a 
gentleman, but of your unblemished character and your knowledge of 
public affairs. I think it was very well that the Committee ' visited you 
in person. 

I have mentioned the name of Dr. Hebbe to you in former letters. 
His connection with and great influence over the foreign population, make 
it important to have him take the right course in this election. He is a 
Swede, by birth, and a man of profound learning and high character. 
He was educated in Germany and was expelled that country on account 
of his liberal principles. He is intimate with Kossuth, and other dis- 
tinguished characters engaged in the European popular movements. He 
is a thorough and philosophical democrat and espouses our side from a 
conviction of its intrinsic merits. He has succeeded in bringing out 
several leading German papers in support of our nominations, which took 
a neutral position in consequence of Cass' defeat. He has also been to 
New York and addressed the foreign trade societies in that city urging 
upon them the support of our ticket. And being by birth a Scandinavian 
he desires to go through Iowa, Wisconsin, and other States of the West 
in which most of the Swedes, Norwegians and Danes reside, and address 
them before the election. He will also during the summer make you a 
visit, in order that he may speak to his countrymen of his personal knowl- 
edge of you. Mr. Fleischmann, a German, who was my principal draughts- 
man in the Patent Office, and recently consul at Wurtemberg, a man also 
of very great learning and attainments, has also assured me that he will 
stump it through the German regions. He will also visit you this sum- 
mer for the same reason assigned by Dr. Hebbe. The grand ideas which 
are to be most potent in this election are sympathy for the liberals of 
Europe, the expansion of the Republic southward and westward and the 
grasping of the magnificent [prize ? illegible] of the commerce of the 
Pacific — in short the ideas of which the term 'Young America' is the 
symbol. Both Hebbe and Fleischmann and Mr. Soule and the young 
men of the Republic have these ideas moving them deeply. 

As to the subject suggested in my letter by [illegible] Mr. French 
has written a sketch of your life which he read to Mr. Hubbard and myself 

1 See VII, Burke to Pierce, June io, 1 852, p. 1 16, note 2. 

1 2 2 Documents 

before he sent it away to be published. It was very well, but not suffi- 
ciently full and strong on some points. There is also a sketch of your 
life for sale at the book stores prepared, I understand, by Lester of New 
York. That is too expensive. We want a strong pointed biography in 
pamphlet form to be widely circulated by members of Congress. And 
we want also a good likeness of you. None has yet appeared. If you 
had sent me a daguerreotype engravings from it would have been on sale 
ten days ago. We want a biography to be translated into German. As 
I shall leave the city as soon as I can close up some business at the Patent 
Office I shall not now have time to attend to any of these matters. Pardon 
me this very long letter and believe me 

ever yours truly, 

Edmund Burke. 1 

X. G. C. Hebbe to Edmund Burke. 

Honorable Ed. Burke. Washington City July 15th 1852. 

Dear Sir 

I have many times already had great reasons to wish that you had 
remained here and lent your energy to the Central Committee which acts 
with deplorable imbecility. It was a great misfortune that you did not 
become a member of that Committee, and a no less one that you are not 
Editor of the Union. I have had several conferences with Dr. Gwin 
and Hon Mr. Senn [Penn?], but the committee has not yet collected 
so much money that it has dared to grant aid to those papers which I 
have recommended to its patronage. The Committee committed the 
blunder to order a Philadelphia paper to publish 25,000 copies in German 
of the life of General Pierce — when this order ought to have been given 
to Mr. Newman as recommended by myself — I told Mr. Penn yesterday 
that if Mr. Forney's advice is to be taken on such matters — the com- 
mittee has to take upon themselves the responsibility of the consequences. 
The paper to which this order was given — is very influential in Penn- 
sylvania — , but there is now much less hope to carry that State than 
New York — and consequently all ought to be done to secure the latter 
State — in which we have more hope to succeed — But it appears as the 
interests of certain individuals are to be promoted at hasard even to see 
the party defeated — 

1 Further information relating to the ante-convention movements which brought about 
Pierce's nomination is to be found in the files of the Boston Daily Advertiser (Whig) for 
November, 1853, and of the Arkansas Whig for December, 1853. These articles are 
based upon Burke's own story of how the " mysterious" nomination was effected, which 
appeared in the State Capitol Reporter (Concord) in October, 1853. For this paper, 
which was a violent anti-administration organ, Burke was for the time an editorial writer. 
Burke's story may also be found quoted in The New Hampshire Statesman (Concord) 
for October 29, 1853. In January, 1904, an article appeared in The Minneapolis Journal 
which sheds further light upon the nomination. The writer, a law-student in Concord in 
1852, boarded in the same family with one Henry P. Rolfe, then a student in the law- 
office of Minot and Pierce, and bases his statements upon conversations taking place be- 
tween himself and Rolfe on the day when the New Hampshire delegation left Concord 
for Baltimore. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1S62 123 

I have had letters from Gen. Kossuth — in which he complains much 
of the deception which certain persons of the Democratic party have 
made themselves guilty of in regard to himself — and I have had the 
utmost difficulty in preventing him from taking steps which would un- 
doubtedly have led to the disorganization and defeat of the Democratic 
party — I hope that General Pierce's letter to the Democrats of Phila- 
delphia has satisfied Gen Kossuth at least to some degree — still I 
know that he expected from Gen. Pierce a still more explicit avowal in 
regard to the course of foreign policy which this country ought to pursue 
— , but I think, that the General could not say more in the present state 
of affairs 

I have written an urgent appeal to the adopted citisens of Scandi- 
navian birth to support General Pierce, and I hope that this appeal which 
appeared in the " Skandinoven " of last Saturday will have a good effect 
and give General Pierce at least 10,000 votes from that quarter. 

I have also written about 35 letters to several German papers — and 
to English papers — urging upon the readers of these papers the necessity 
and duty to sustain the Democratic nominees — I intend to sail for 
Europe on Saturday from New York — but hope to return before the 1st 
of Sept. when I will have the honor to visit you and then begin to stump 
the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Wisconsin and Iowa — 
From Europe I will transmit several letters to papers in these States in 
order to advocate the success of our party — 

I am a democrat at heart because I consider that party — notwith- 
standing its many defects as the only one which at present can do any 
practical good for the advance of freedom throughout the world — I am, 
however, sorry to see that the influence of the South is preponderant 
here in Washington — It is a great mistake to think that the South can 
accomplish the victory of the Democratic party — when on the contrary 
it is clear that the result will chiefly depend upon the votes of the northern 
and western states — , where the votes of the adoptive citisens are de- 
cisive — 

I have from Gen. Kossuth that General Pierce has promised to visit 
New York — and I hope that he will do so — as such a visit would prob- 
ably do much to influence the people of that State. 

I hope that you will exercise all your energy in behalf of the Demo- 
cratic party — as I am fully convinced that you can do much for the 
success of our cause in the present struggle — I should be very glad to 
hear from you before my departure — and I think that a letter addressed 
to me —care of Nicholas Day 74 Wall Street New York — would reach 
me before the departure of the steamer on Saturday. 

I have the honor to remain with the most sincere regards, 

Dear Sir 

Yours most truly, 
G. C. Hebbe. 

In great haste. 

124 Documents 

XI. James Campbell to Arthur S. Nevitt. 1 

Post Office Department, 
March i, 1856. 
Sir : 

I have thought it my duty to send you the enclosed copies of papers 
which have just been placed on file in this department. Not so much to 
satisfy myself upon any point made against you as to furnish the occasion 
for a statement calculated to satisfy all unprejudiced minds. 

If there are persons in your office who sympathize with a political 
party hostile to the Democratic Party, and bound by secret oaths to 
principles contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constitution under 
which we live, you should know them and should neither employ them 
nor trust them. 

I desire something more than a mere statement of your employees, 
that at a given time they do not belong to a Know-nothing organization. 
Have they been Know-nothings? Do they sympathize with that politi- 
cal organization? Is your chief clerk a Whig with Know-nothing sym- 
pathies? What was his action at the last election ? 

If you cannot answer these questions with confidence and satisfaction, 
changes must be made. Reformation in the office is due not only to the 
Department, but to yourself. 

I wish you would answer promptly and fully. 

I am, respectfully, 

Your obt. servant, 

James Campbell. 
Arthur S. Nevitt, Esq., 
(P. M.) New Orleans, La. 

XII. John W. Geary 2 to Franklin Pierce. 
Confidential. Executive Department, 

Lecompton, Kansas Territory, 
December 22nd 1856. 
His Excellency, 

Franklin Pierce, President. 
My Dear Sir : 

The removal of Donaldson, :! Clark and LeCompte* has been received 
here with general acclamations by the people, and men recently disposed 
to vilify and abuse you are loud in your praise. None blame you except 
those interested in having certain crimes laid in oblivion. 

It is my duty to speak frankly and honestly to you, and from time 
to time I have done so without prejudice, fear or favor. The Country 

1 This letter is apparently in Pierce's handwriting, but is signed in lead-pencil, 
"James Campbell", and addressed to Arthur S. Nevitt, Postmaster, New Orleans, La. 

2 Governor of Kansas Territory. 

3 J. B. Donaldson, U. S. marshal for Kansas Territory. 
4 Samuel D. Lecompte, Chief Justice of Kansas Territory. 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1S52—1S62 125 

should know, and if I live long enough, it shall know, that the censure 
which has been heaped upon your administration for mismanagement in 
Kansas affairs is not attributable to you, but is the consequence of the 
criminal complicity of public officers some of whom you have removed 
the moment you were clearly satisfied of their true position. 

I could not have credited it, unless I had seen it with my own eyes, 
and had the most conclusive evidence of the fact, that public officers 
would have lent themselves to carry out schemes which at once set at 
naught every principle of right and justice upon which the equality and 
existence of our government is founded. You know that there is no 
man in the Union, that more heartily despises the contracted creed of 
the abolitionists than I do, or more clearly perceives the pernicious 
tendency of their doctrines, and on this question I trust I am an impar- 
tial judge. The persecutions of the free-state men here was not exceeded 
by those of the early christians. I am not their vindicator, and wish not 
to extenuate the numerous outrages committed by them, the perpetrators 
of which, in due time, I will endeavor to bring, as well as others, to con- 
dign punishment, but I do say that the men holding official position have 
never given you that impartial information on the subject so necessary to 
form correct conclusions, which your high position so imperatively 
demanded. I wish not to speak of the injudicious and criminal proceed- 
ings of some of the emigrant aid societies and of the fanaticism which called 
some of them into existence, there are persons better versed in the origin 
of these movements who can explain them better than myself, but occu- 
pying the confidential and official relations I do to yourself, which at 
your pleasure I am most willing to lay at your feet, it is necessary that I, 
especially, should do "equal and exact" justice to that side of the 

Let us go back then to the origin of the Kansas difficulty and see 
what was the agitating cause, or causes, and let us candidly examine 
whether or not our friends were faultless. 

From the most reliable information I am satisfied that there was a 
settled determination in high quarters to make this a Slave State at all 
hazards; that policy was communicated to agents here, and that most of 
the public officers sent here were secured for its success. The conse- 
quence was that when Northern emigrants came here at an early day, 
even before the emigrant aid societies began to excite public attention, 
that certain persons along the borders of Missouri began to challenge 
unexceptionable settlers, and finding many not for a slave state, they 
were subjected to various indignities, and told that this soil, which pre- 
vious to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was devoted to freedom, 
did not belong to such as them, and that they must settle in Nebraska. 

These immagrants, highly conservative in their character, excited by 
this unjust treatment, wrote back to their friends in the North and thus 
by a little indiscretion on the part of overzealous persons in Missouri a 
spark was ignited which nearly set the whole country in a flame. This 
virulent spirit of dogged determination to force slavery into this Terri- 

1 2 6 Documents 

tory, has overshot its mark and raised a storm which nothing but an 
honest return to the beneficent provisions of our Organic Act can quell. 
Lecompte, Donaldson, Clarke, Woodson 1 , CALHOUN 2 and Isaacs 3 
were prominent actors in this fearful tragedy and willing tools to carry 
out this wicked policy. They have therefore destroyed their public useful- 
ness, and their removal would be hailed with a tumult of joy by the entire 
population. But well do I appreciate your position in the matter and 
beyond your own sense of justice and propriety I would not desire you 
to go. Could it be done, it would restore you to that position in the 
popular affections which you so justly occupied at the period of your 

I was much surprised and somewhat amused to learn to-day that 
Clark, the ex-agent, had just received a letter from Genl. Whitfield 4 in 
which the latter says that you told him that all the odium brought on 
your administration was the dire result of Clark's, Whitfield's, Atchi- 
son's, 5 Stringfellow's, 15 and others' indiscreet action. Why Whitfield 
would write thus when he owes his seat to you and me, 1 know not, but 
I am sure that he never penned a greater truth. 

In your whole administration which has been remarkably eventful 
there is not a shadow of complaint except this Kansas Matter over which, 
with the dearth of reliable information, you could exercise little influ- 
ence. Almost every public officer here, necessarily the channels of in- 
formation, conspired to give you ex parte and prejudiced statements. 
It was natural and generous that you should believe men professing to be 
your friends in preference to others notoriously your enemies. 

There is a plan in Westport, Mo. to invade the Territory with about 
iooo men, to take possession of the "Shawnee Reserve", about the 
20th of Feby. The Indian agent lives there. Calhoun has been there 10 
or fifteen days. Can't you blow this conspiracy out of water? 

On the Shanee \sic~\ Reserve, after the Indians have made their 
selections, there will remain about 1500 quarter sections for preemption. 

I thank you for the firm and prompt manner with which you have 
sustained my policy and seconded my suggestions in the removal of the 
men indicated, and I earnestly trust you will be seconded in the good 

1 Daniel Woodson, secretary of the territory under Reeder, acting governor upon 
Reeder's removal, secretary under Governor Shannon, and again acting governor upon 
Shannon's resignation. 

2 John Calhoun, surveyor-general of Kansas Territory. Instrumental in prejudicing 
the administration against Geary. See Rhodes, II, 239. 

3 Isaacs, U. S. district attorney for Kansas Territory. See Davis to Pierce, July 
23, 1857, to appear in the Review for January, 1905. 

'J. W. Whitfield, elected Delegate to Congress by the pro-slavery party, November 
29, 1854. 

5 David R. Atchison, previously senator from Missouri. 

6 B. F. Stringfellow, co-editor of the Squatter Sovereign, published at Atchison, 
Kansas, which professed to be the organ of the Washington government in western 

Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1862 127 

I can, and will with the aid of the National Goverm't., make Kansas 
a model state, enriched with Democratic Institutions based upon the 
Constitution of the U. S., and blessed with all the rich treasures of 
learning, ennobled by virtue, intelligence and enterprise of the millions 
of freemen whom its exuberantly fertile soil is capable of supporting. 
After you have laid aside the cares of State, if I am called to remain 
here, I want you to give me the pleasure of a visit to Kansas. I will 
make a tour with you through the Territory. The salubrity of the cli- 
mate, the beauty of the country and the warm reception I promise you 
from our generous people will compensate you for the trip. 

With the assurance of my high regards I am devotedly your friend 
and obedient servant, 

Jno. W. Geary. 


Introduction a la Doctrine de /' Pjat. By George Jellinek, Pro- 
fessor of Law in the University of Heidelberg. Translated 
from the German by Georges Fardis, Directeur des " Archives 
Diplomatiques ". (Paris: Albert Fontemoing. 1904. Pp. 
viii, 223.) 

Professor Jellinek is among the first, if indeed he is not the 
first, of living writers in the field of political theory. In 1882 he 
published his Die Lehre von den Staatenverbindungen ; in 1887, 
his Gesetz und Verordnung ; in 1892, his System der subjektiven 
offentlichen Reclitc ; and, finally, in 1900, his Allgemeine Staatslehre. 
This last is the first volume of a comprehensive work entitled Das 
Recht des modernen Staates, the production of which, as he says in his 
preface, has been due at once to his desire to present in the form of a 
systematic synthesis the results of previous monographic studies, and to 
his belief that there is needed a political treatise the form and method of 
which shall conform to the requirements of present political conditions. 
The first section of this first volume is devoted to the task of determin- 
ing the problems and methods of political theory and to a statement of 
its relations to other departments of scientific inquiry. It is this section 
that is translated by M. Fardis under the title " Introduction to the 
Theory of the State ". For some reason the title on the cover is that of 
the whole work, Z' Etat moderne et Son Droit. 

As appears from the foregoing, the work is purely political in char- 
acter. It has, however, a direct interest to historians in so far as it con- 
siders the value of history and the historical method to the political 
scientist. The province of political science, when limited to the study 
of a particular state, says the author, is concerned with the discovery 
and description of average types {types moyens — Durchschnittstypen) as 
distinguished from ideal types. These average types are to be deter- 
mined by induction, that is, by the comparative and historical methods. 
This methodological principle, though clear and simple in itself, is, how- 
ever, one surrounded by great difficulty in application. This arises from 
the fact that, upon the one hand, there is the danger of so emphasizing 
likenesses as unduly to disregard individual characteristics, with the 
result that the type so determined corresponds to nothing that exists. 
This, asserts Jellinek, is the error into which have fallen all attempts to 
create a general science of comparative jurisprudence. Upon the other 
hand, when all of the special peculiarities of each political unit are con- 
sidered, the general or average type cannot be made to appear. In order, 
then, to avoid these two opposite dangers, it is necessary for the political 
scientist to limit his investigation to political institutions which proceed 


Sidgwick : Development of European Polity 129 

from the same civilization and rest upon a common historical basis. 
The results due to a disregard of this principle are seen when one attempts 
to compare antique with modern democracy, the absolutism of Roman 
emperors with that of monarchs of the present time, or the federal states 
of to-day with those of ancient Greece. Coming more directly to the 
application of the historical method to the study of political types, the 
author's discussion centers around the necessity of distinguishing between 
the change of an institution into an entirely different thing and its 
modification, wherein it alters its form and some of its attributes, but 
still performs essentially the same political functions. In the former 
case the historical connection is, so to speak, purely an external one, and 
an attempt to analyze the character or interpret the functions of the later 
institution by the character and functions of the earlier is inappropriate 
and misleading. Thus, also, the study of institutions that have gone out 
of existence is of little or no practical value in the analysis of present 
political phenomena. Thus, without at all denying the intrinsic value 
of historical research, the author points out that in any attempt to analyze 
modern political types, the history of the past is valuable only in so far 
as it traces the development and thus serves to explain the nature of 
existing institutions. All else belongs to the domain of historical and 
political antiquities. 

In the foregoing, the reviewer has limited himself to a notice simply 
of a single point. In justice to the author it should be said, however, 
that the work as a whole furnishes an excellent propaedeutic to the study 
of the modern state, and the larger work of which it is a part must serve 
still further to enhance the already high reputation of its author. That 
the French rendering of the German original is well done is sufficiently 
attested by the name of the translator. 


The Development of European Polity. By Henry Sidgwick, late 
Professor at Cambridge. (New York : The Macmillan Com- 
pany ; London: Macmillan and Company. 1903. Pp. xxvi, 

This book is the posthumous publication of the late Professor Sidg- 
wick's lectures at Cambridge in the field of political science, and the 
place the work occupied in the author's mind is best stated in the words 
of the editor, Mrs. Sidgwick. He considered, she says, 

That a threefold treatment of politics is desirable for completeness : — 
first, an exposition analytical and deductive, such as he attempted in his 
work on the Elements of Politics ; secondly, an evolutionary study of 
the development of polity within the historic period in Europe, begin- 
ning with the earliest known Grseco-Roman and Teutonic polity, and 
carried down to the modern state of Europe and its colonies as the last 
result of political evolution ; thirdly, a comparative study of . . . what 
may be called the constitution-making century which has just ended. The 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 9. 

J 3° Reviews of Books 

present book is an attempt at a treatment of political science from the 
second point of view. 

To this may be added Sidgwick's own statement on pages 3-4 : 

What I shall mainly attempt is to exhibit with their distinctive charac- 
teristics, to classify according to their most important resemblances, and to 
link together by the conception of continuous development, the principal 
forms of political society which the history of European civilisation 
manifests ; regarding them as stages in the historic process through which 
political society has passed, and of which the modern state, as we know 
it, is the outcome. 

The book has not had the benefit of the author's final revision or 
even arrangement. It is proper to keep this in mind with respect both 
to defects in construction, and to features in the field of reference and 
bibliography that may not seem quite abreast with present-day require- 
ments ; though when we find Robertson's Charles the Fifth cited for the 
views of Montesquieu, it may be suspected that the author had rather an 
old-fashioned view of his obligations in regard to sources. The book in 
general leaves the impression that he shared in the ordinary English in- 
attention to the modern monograph (especially German), and was con- 
tent for most of his historical information with the older general English 
writers. It is not to be inferred, however, that the stickler for cautious 
and accurate statement of historical facts will be frequently shocked ; on 
the whole he will perhaps be agreeably surprised, even though he may 
wish that it were not so positively declared that William the Conqueror 
scattered the lands of his followers of malice prepense, and though he 
may not be disposed to accept the strong statement of the close connec- 
tion between the American and the French Revolutions. 

After an introduction of eighty pages on governmental origins, 
about 100 pages are given to ancient history and 150 to the medieval 
period, leaving 125 for modern history. The work is unevenly done ; 
the whole modern part is sketchy, and while the medieval city structure 
is fully presented, medieval representative institutions are not. The dic- 
tion is clear and forcible, and the analyses and descriptions are every- 
where brought into close connection with historical fact. It bears the 
mark of the clear thinking, sound scholarship, and power of popularizing 
in the best sense that is associated with the already somewhat old-fash- 
ioned English school of which Seeley and Sidgwick were such good rep- 
resentatives. It is interesting to find that these two men were closely 
associated in their work at Cambridge ; the reader will be frequently 
reminded here of Seeley's ideas, especially in the part in which Sidg- 
wick deals with modern English political development. It will be re- 
membered that Seeley's Introduction to Political Science was also pub- 
lished posthumously and was prepared for publication by Sidgwick. 
This intellectual association must have been an attractive and stimulating 
one, and there is probably no propriety in ascribing to either one of the 
men an indisputably leading place. 

The student of history who is occupied primarily with the state will 

Seller ger : Evolution of Modern Liberty 1 3 1 

find much in this volume of suggestive interest. Particularly so are the 
passages in which Professed Sidgwick states his views of the respective 
scope of history and political science and of the relations between them. 
He discriminates between political philosophy, political science, and 
political history, but his reader will suspect that his discrimination is 
rather as to "points of view " (a term which he himself uses, p. 2) than 
with respect to clearly-defined and mutually exclusive fields of work. 
He rejects the idea " that the historical method is the one to be primarily 
used in attempting to find reasoned solutions of the problems of practical 
politics " (p. 4), and evidently would sympathize but little with the idea 
of a science of history. But perhaps some of those who would not 
quarrel with him for that might wish some changes of term in the follow- 
ing sentence (p. 141) in which he states most pointedly the differences 
he recognizes between history and political science : 

The difference, generally speaking, between the scientific and the 
merely historical treatment of the forms of government and of political 
society which history presents to us, is that in history proper we are con- 
cerned primarily with particular facts, and only secondarily with general 
laws and types, causes and tendencies ; whereas in Political Science we 
are concerned primarily with the general laws and types, and only with 
any particular fact as a part of the evidence from which our general con- 
clusions are drawn. 

Victor Coffin. 

The Evolution of Modern Liberty. By George L. Scherger, Ph.D. 

(New York : Longmans, Green, and Company. 1904. Pp. 

xiv, 284.) 

This volume, the preface informs us, was originally intended by the 
author to be a study in the relation between the American and the French 
bills of rights. While at work on this task, Professor Jellinek's book, 
Die Erklarung der Menschen- und Biirgerrechte appeared, and Dr. Scher- 
ger widened the scope of his treatise to include a history of the evolu- 
tion of modern liberty. In the first two parts of the book the author 
traces the development of the doctrines of natural law and popular sov- 
ereignty from antiquity to the French Revolution ; in part in he dis- 
cusses the American bills of rights ; in part iv, the French Declaration ; 
and the volume closes with a chapter on the effects of formal declarations 
of rights. 

The first half of the volume is far from satisfactory. It is a difficult 
task to condense the history of liberty from the earliest to modern times 
into a small compass, and the author has not been successful in the 
attempt. He presents a careful and accurate digest of the opinions of a 
series of eminent political philosophers, but does not give anything like 
an adequate description of the great march of events leading up to what 
we call " modern liberty ". Even the evolution of the theory of liberty, 
viewed as Dogmengeschichte , he has not clearly unfolded, while the con- 
ditions that make liberty possible and the specific political forms that 

1 3 2 Reviews of Books 

human freedom has assumed from time to time he has not attempted to 
discuss. This is a subject too vast in its extent to fit in easily as a pref- 
ace to a discussion of modern bills of rights, and the attempt to include 
it has upset the equilibrium of the volume. 

The second half of the book is an essay on the bills of rights in 
America and France. In this field the work of Dr. Scherger is good, 
and shows that he need not have been deterred by the previous appear- 
ance of Jellinek's volume from presenting his own study. A diligent 
enumeration of American political theories during the Revolutionary 
period is given, and also a very interesting resume of the debates on the 
bills of rights proposed in the French Constituent Assembly. In agree- 
ment with Jellinek and in opposition to Boutmy, the author believes that 
the American declarations exercised great influence upon the French 
philosophers. He very properly calls attention to the fact that Rous- 
seau's political theory did not admit of any guaranty of individual rights, 
and hence that a formal declaration was not regarded as necessary. Even 
Boutmy must admit that if the Americans did not teach the citizens of 
the sister republic the principles of the Declaration, at least they in- 
structed them in the dramatic possibilities of such a pronouncement. 

The style in which Dr. Scherger's volume is written leaves much to 
be desired. The method of paragraphing invites criticism and suggests 
the need of careful revision. The most serious fault, however, is the 
inarticulate and inorganic character of the narrative. The author dis- 
plays a constant tendency to enumerate and catalogue the opinions of 
great thinkers without correlating, elucidating, or summarizing. This 
trait makes parts of Dr. Scherger's volume resemble an encyclopedia or 
book of reference rather than a representation of an evolutionary process. 

On the whole, the digest of the French discussions on the Declara- 
tion of Rights is the most important part of the book. As a history of 
the evolution of modern liberty, the volume falls far short of the stan- 
dard ; but as a study of the relation between the American and the 
French bills of rights, it possesses meritorious features. It is unfortunate 
that the author did not adhere to his original plan and present merely a 
comparative study in declarations of rights. 

C. E. Merriam. 

Manuel d'Histoire dcs Religions. Par P. D. Chantepie de la 
Saussaye. Traduit sur la seconde edition allemande, sur la 
direction de Henri Hubert et Isidore Levy. (Paris : Armand 
Colin. 1904. Pp. liii, 714.) 

The second edition of Chantepie de la Saussaye's handbook of the 
history of religions appeared in 1897. A distinct advance upon the 
earlier edition of 1887, it contained much more that was historical and 
descriptive and much less that was problematical. In fact the phenom- 
enology of the earlier edition was well-nigh rescinded, and the author 
contented himself with his real subject-matter, reserving all discussion of 

Sans say e : Manuel d' Histoire des Religions i 


religious origins for another publication. The present work is a good 
translation of this second edition, the two volumes of the original here 
appearing in one bulky octavo. Some matter has been suppressed, and 
in the way of bibliography some additions have been made, though 
they might easily have been rendered more complete. The chief addi- 
tion, however, is an introduction of forty-four pages by M. Hubert, de- 
signed to give the reader a sketch of the chief modern schools and ten- 
dencies at work in the new study called the science of religion. 

As M. Chantepie de la Saussaye's handbook in its revised form has 
been before the public for seven years, it will not be necessary to review 
at length this translation, which is practically the same matter in a garb 
useful for those ignorant of German. The slight changes already referred 
to are not sufficient to call for comment. As a historical review of reli- 
gions, Saussaye's book is by far the best and most complete we possess, 
especially in the greater part, dedicated to historical religions, chapters 
three to thirteen, which embrace the religions of the Chinese, Japanese, 
Egyptians, Babylonians, Assyrians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Israelites, Mo- 
hammedans, Hindus, Persians, Greeks, and Romans. The author is a 
conservative historian and apt to question rather than to admit new 
views. In Persia, the influence of Babylon is as good as ignored, and 
Gruppe's view of Greek religion has not materially affected the exposi- 
tion. For a manual this is a satisfactory point of view, and in the field 
of historical and literary religions there is no fault to be found with the 
amount of material. It is otherwise with the religions of Slavs, Germans, 
and Celts, all of whom are disposed of in one short chapter. Still more 
disappointing is the discussion of the religions of les penples dits salvages. 
Four or five pages suffice for these most important exponents of religious 
ideas, Greenlanders, Esquimaux, Redskins, Mexicans, and Peruvians ! 
Similarly, the religion of the Australians is not brought up to date, though 
this is somewhat atoned for in the translator's introduction. 

The long introduction of M. Hubert discusses first the bearing of 
symbolism, naturalism, and euhemerism on mythological exegesis. They 
are not all-explanatory ; rather they each represent a period in the life of 
myths. The English-German anthropological school, in M. Hubert's 
opinion, deals too much with origins, not enough with functions. More 
satisfactory, in his view, is the French sociological school ; but this has 
arisen too recently to achieve great results, though much is to be hoped 
for from its clarity of view. Religious facts are fundamentally social 
facts, produced necessarily in society when individual activity is condi- 
tioned by the common life. This is the viewpoint of the A?inee Sociolo- 
gique. The introduction is apparently intended to make good the lack 
of discussion in Saussaye's second edition. The book as a whole 
scarcely needs a recommendation. Owing to its acknowledged excel- 
lence, it has been a standard work for years. In its new shape it will 
doubtless win fresh readers, and it is to be hoped that so important a 
manual may eventually be rendered into English. 

E. Washburn Hopkins. 

i 34 Reviews of Books 

The History of the World: a Survey of Man's Record. Edited by 
Dr. H. F. Hei.molt. Vol. II, Eastern Asia and Oceania — the 
Indian Ocean. (New York : Dodd, Mead, and Company. 
1904. Pp. xviii, 642.) 

The present volume, conceived as it is upon " ethnogeographical " 
principles, shares the general characteristics of the other volumes of this 
work that have already appeared. Again the main difficulty is seen to 
consist, not so much in the principle of writing a history of the world 
from the standpoint of ethnography and geography, as of so harmonizing, 
in one connected narrative, the conclusions of these sciences with the 
natural sequence of historical development, as to reduce the inevitable 
repetitions and anticipations into the smallest possible extent. It is, for 
instance, not until one has read all of Japan and much of China in this 
volume that he begins to comprehend some obscure points about the 
former country, while many an important question of Chinese history is 
in turn reserved for the following section on Central Asia. To India, 
also, we come only after we have read much of the moral influence which 
emanated from it and, in addition, have gone through Siberia, Australia, 
and Oceania. 

Another, perhaps not a necessary, fault of the method may be found 
in the fact that the authors generally fail to manifest as much skill and 
care in sifting the historical facts, and in tracing the development of the 
institutions of each individual nation, as in showing the mutual reaction 
between the race and its environment. The word feudalism, for example, 
seems to be so loosely used throughout the volume as to render its 
accounts practically valueless for the critical student. All of these defects, 
however, cannot outweigh the peculiar advantages of this method, which 
one will be likely to miss hereafter in the universal histories of the old 
type. Each geographical section presented in this volume is introduced 
by a characterization of its relative position on the globe, and attempts 
are constantly made to interpret the life of the nations in the light of 
their surroundings and to deduce from this study certain laws of human 
progress. Great stress is laid upon the effects of the contact of different 
races and civilizations, including the results of the rule of the whites over 
the natives. 

These observations, however, would not entirely apply to Max von 
Brandt's section on Japan, China, and Korea, which alone in the volume 
lacks sociological interest. Formerly a successful German envoy at Tokio 
and Peking, where his forceful personality is still remembered, the writer 
is satisfactory neither as a sociologist nor as a historian, neither in inter- 
pretation nor in criticism. However, his authorities on China are better 
than those on Japan, and his chapters on the history of Christianity in 
both countries are excellent. 

The characteristic portion of the volume does not begin until von 
Brandt gives his place to the late Dr. Heinrich Schurtz, of Leipzig. The 
noted ethnologist has contributed a highly suggestive section on Central 

Helmolt : History of the H'orld 135 

Asia (in the German edition, Hochasiett) and Siberia. On a fine geo- 
graphical background he constructs his theories of the development of an 
agricultural civilization by the brachycephalic race which settled in 
China and Sumeria, and the subsequent expansion of the dolichocephalic 
Aryan nomads toward Central Asia, with the consequent movements and 
admixture of races of various stages of culture upon the plateau. Par- 
ticularly illuminating is his account of the political relations of China 
with the Central Asiatic nomads, and of the continual religious and com- 
mercial communications which passed through the Tarim basin. The 
same writer's chapters on Indonesia, telling of the extensive migrations 
of the Negritos and Malays, are not less instructive. 

The late Dr. Emil Schmidt's section on India, Ceylon, and Indo- 
China, which was written probably some years ago and has been revised 
by Dr. Helmolt, may be said to be of ordinary value. On the other 
hand, the chapters by Dr. Karl Weule on Australia and Oceania are 
closely parallel to Dr. Schurtz's in the richness of their sociological data. 
He also considers the missionary question, not as a mere series of his- 
torical incidents, but as a phase of the many-sided contact of the different 
races and cultures. Regarding the Indian Ocean — Dr. Weule seems to 
be deeply interested in the oceans — his views of the Chinese and Arab 
traders of the middle ages, and of the struggle of the English in modern 
times to control the ocean, are full of interest. Perhaps the chapters in 
this and other volumes, all of which have thus far been written by Dr. 
Weule, on the historical importance of the oceans are a characteristic 
mark of this work. Where else in a world's history is one apt to find 
such phrases as the geographical and historical axes of an ocean and a 
zone of its greatest historical density ? 

The English edition is not entirely free from mistranslations and mis- 
prints. To take only a few examples : gongen (incarnation) has been 
taken for a plural noun and translated as " gongs " (p. 1 1 ) ; Reiclisfilrsten 
and Reichsunmittelbaren are wrongly connected with the emperor, instead 
of with the feudal suzerain (pp. 33, 35, 36) ; and the last paragraph of 
section B on page 342, which is obscure enough in the German edition, 
is rendered in such a way that the translator himself could hardly have 
understood the meaning. The Chinese mau is made equivalent to 675.68 
acres, instead of as many ares — a difference of forty to one (p. 63). 
The Area of Mongolia is stated to be 354,000 square kilometers, which 
should be 3,543,000 (p. 57). The German edition itself being careless 
of the transliteration of the Japanese z and s, and j and y, it is not 
strange that the translator has been often led astray. A useful sketch-map 
on p. 300 of the German is not reproduced in the English edition, 
although all the other excellent maps and plates have been admirably 
copied. Finally, following the general plan of the work, the volume 
lacks bibliographical data except the scanty references to a few authors 
scattered throughout the text. 
» K. Asakawa. 


6 Reviews of Books 

Buddhist India. By T. W. Rhys Davids, LL.D., Ph.D. [The 
Story of the Nations.] (New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons ; 
London: T. Fisher Unwin. 1903. Pp. xv, 332.) 

The purpose of the book is the presentation in popular form of the 
life and history of India during the period of Buddhistic ascendancy. 
This presentation is professedly from the point of view of the Rajput, and 
not of the Brahman ; accordingly it is based (the records of the Jains 
being accessible only in fragments) almost exclusively upon the Buddhis- 
tic literature. The Vedic Samhitas, Brahmanas, and certain Upanisads 
are cited as testimony for pre-Buddhistic conditions ; but, in accordance 
with a theory to be mentioned later, the testimony of the rest of the 
Vedic and of the classic literature is not considered admissible as con- 
temporary evidence for the greater part of the period in question. Now 
the intimacy and accuracy of Professor Rhys Davids's knowledge of Bud- 
dhistic literature are universally recognized, and the unfailing interest 
with which one follows his exposition is the best testimony to the tact 
and skill with which he has applied this knowledge to the task of present- 
ing to his readers a picture of this phase of Indian life. As a further 
merit of the presentation should be emphasized the fact that the liberal 
supply of references to the texts themselves make the work of value to 
the student, without detracting in the least from the general reader's en- 
joyment of its style and contents. 

The book begins with a description of the systems of government in 
India at the time of the rise of Buddhism, the monarchies, the clans under 
a republican form of government, and the nations. The next three 
chapters are devoted to the social organization, the first and third being 
descriptions of life in the village and town respectively, while the sec- 
ond, on " Social Grades", argues against the existence at this period of 
a system of -sharply-defined castes. Next, under the heading -'Eco- 
nomic Conditions ", is given a list of the various trades and avocations, 
an account of the system of traffic and coinage (with an appendix on the 
most ancient coins of India), an estimate of the wealth of the country, and 
a description of its trade-routes. 

To the history of the introduction and development of writing two 
chapters are devoted. In the main, the author is in agreement with the 
results reached by Biihler, but ignores his perfectly sound argument 
(Indische Palaeographie, 18) that the oldest known form of the Brahml 
was an alphabet elaborated for the Sanskrit language by scholarly 
Brahmans. The following chapters deal with the development of the 
languages and literatures of India in general, and of the Pali literature 
and of the J a fa ka book in particular. 

Very interesting is the section on religion, the first chapter of which 
describes, under the caption " Animism ", the popular religious beliefs 
of pre-Buddhistic times, and contains a valuable collection of the allusions 
in the Buddhist literature to these beliefs. The practices condemned are 
evidently Atharvanic in character; many of them in fact are treated in 

Davids : Buddhist India 1 3 7 

the Atharva-Parifistas, while others crop out only in the later works on 
astrology. The next chapter is a brilliant though too unsympathetic 
account of the development of Brahmanism down to the time of Buddha. 
It is, I think, to be regretted that the author did not see fit to include at 
this point a sketch of Buddhism. The last section of the book is devoted 
to history in a narrower sense, and deals in three chapters with the great 
monarchs Chandragupta, Acoka, and Kaniska. 

The theory already alluded to, which tinges a great part of the book, 
is one which has appeared in various forms since Senart's article in the 
Journal Asiatique in 1886. Space does not admit of its full statement, 
still less of its discussion. Its basis is that the order of the appearance 
of the Middle Indian dialects and the classic Sanskrit in the inscriptions 
is the order of their origin. So the author (p. 139) considers it "clear 
why Pali books written in India, or books in a dialect allied to Pali, or 
in a mixture of such a dialect and forms taken from pure Sanskrit, are 
each of them older than the books written in classical Sanskrit"; and 
(p. 315) that it is not at all impossible that Acvaghosa's Buddha Carita 
may be " the very earliest literary work written in regular Sanskrit for 
the use of the laity ". Whether the phrase, " for the use of the laity ", 
is meant to concede the earlier origin of the Sutra literature it is impos- 
sible to determine ; it would seem not, since in the table (pp. 153 ff. ) no 
place is left for the Sutras unless they are to be classed (inexactly) with 
classic Sanskrit, and on page 32 the author favors " the wholesale recast- 
ing of brahman literature in the Gupta period ". It is of course but a 
corollary to this view that one may (p. 158) " happen, in reliance on 
the priestly books, to antedate, by about a thousand years, the victory of 
the priests ". 

Similar conclusions with regard to the date of the classic literature 
have recently been indicated by Franke as one of the possibilities follow- 
ing from the inscriptional data collected in his Pali and Sanskrit (Strass- 
burg, 1902 j. In spite of the independent concurrence of two so emi- 
nent Pali scholars, it is, however, safe to predict that the views will not 
gain acceptance. The reasons are briefly : that there is sufficient direct 
evidence to the contrary ; it forces the theory of too artificial an origin 
for Sanskrit, which was undoubtedly based on a spoken dialect ; it is con- 
tradicted by the continuity of development of the language ; and the 
facts of the inscriptions admit of another and simpler explanation. 

Fortunately the value of the book does not depend upon one's 
acceptance of this theory. The author's plea for the necessity of a 
"just and proportionate use" of Buddhistic literature in dealing with 
the history and institutions of India will meet with no opposition, and 
even those who, like myself, believe that the author has gone too far 
towards the other extreme must be grateful to Professor Rhys Davids for 
this picture of India as the Buddhists saw it. 

George Melville Bolling. 

138 Reviews of Books 

Evolution of the Japanese, Social and Psychic. By Sidney L. 
Gulick, M.A. (New York : Fleming H. Revell Company. 
1903. Pp. vi, 457.) 

Those who, weary of the shallowness of tourists and impressionist 
writers on Japan, wish an intelligent opinion concerning her people will 
welcome this serious effort to appraise the Japanese character. For such 
a study as that attempted by Dr. Gulick, and indeed before any general- 
izing of philosophy, there should be, besides a critical knowledge of 
history, a thorough mastery of all known facts properly correlated. 
Something very like these qualifications Dr. Gulick possesses. Besides 
fair scholarship in his special theme, he has studied humanity in other 
islands of the Pacific, and he has lived long among the Japanese, know- 
ing well their story, their mind and thought, as well as the daily play of 
their emotions — the latter no mean qualification for reading the real 
character of these secretive people. He knows well that the national 
records and traditions as popularly believed and as copied by alien 
writers are largely worthless, because, as he says (p. 41), the "early 
Japanese scholars idealized their ancient history, and assigned to the 
Emperor a place in ancient times which in all probability he has seldom 
held". Dr. Gulick runs counter to the impressionist and subjective 
writers who in describing Japan have held the logical faculty in abeyance 
and have let fancy reign supreme ; for, as the scholarly editor of The 
Japan Mail has well said, " The Japanese nation of Arnold and Hearn is 
not the nation we have known for a quarter of a century, but a purely 
ideal one manufactured out of the author's brain. It is high time that 
this was pointed out." Dr. Gulick has pointed it out. He has killed 
the Cinderella theory of the rise of modern Japan, leaving to some other 
scholar to show in detail how the Dutchmen at Desima, for nearly two 
hundred years, were busy in purveying Occidental ideas, principles, and 
methods to Japan, and how since 1859 a mighty army of experts, 
teachers, and advisers from many countries " have taken off their coats " 
in teaching the Japanese how to do things. In a word, the men of New 
Japan, having been unable at first to cast out the foreigners by brute 
force, adopted their ideas and methods, making resort to intellectual force 
and with real success. The practice since then (1868) has not been so 
much to detain the foreigner as to learn of him and then to eliminate 
him, for the Japanese adopts only that he may adapt. He rejects about 
as much as he selects. He learns from many, only to choose in order to 
keep what he himself needs. Above everything else, it is to be " Japan 
for the Japanese ". Secretly the islander spurns even so much as com- 
parison of Japan with the western nations, for, to the modern as to the 
ancient Japanese, Nippon was created first and stands on the top of the 
globe, other countries being created from what was left over. Against 
such conceit Dr. Gulick, while generous and optimistic, spares no sar- 
casm, and his Japanese readers will have soreness and sorrow in perusal 
of his book. 

Cowan : Ancient Capital of Scotland 1 39 

The Japanese believe and Dr. Gulick believes with them that the 
modern adaptation of Japan to her new environment is in no sense of 
the word a transformation, a miracle, or a fairy-tale, but is according to 
true evolution. At a certain period, when in clash with Occidental 
civilization as represented by southern Europe — governed by a king of 
kings who had a very businesslike vicar on earth — the chief ruler of 
Japan, to save the nation's independence, chose hermitage and isolation. 
This was governmentally a normal procedure, but not a popular desire. 
The Japanese from the dawning of history in the fifth century have always 
been eager for knowledge and have a genius for selection and appropria- 
tion. Following this theory in over thirty chapters and discussing in 
masterly style every phase of native character, Dr. Gulick shows that 
there is no sound reason for adhering to the convenient fiction of a 
' ' race soul ' ' , and that the Japanese, in the general stream of forces which 
once kept them in segregation but has now brought them into the world's 
congregation, have every probability of becoming socially and psychi- 
cally, as they are now certainly with rapidity becoming as to physique, 
typical modern men. Whether Dr. Gulick holds the final philosophy as 
to evolution, or holds in every case consistently to its application, is not 
for the present critic to say, but as a profound study of the Japanese 
people this work is worthy of the highest praise. 

William Elliot Griffis. 

The Ancient Capital of Scotland : the Story of Perth from the Inva- 
sion of Agricola to the Passing of the Reform Bilt. By Samuel 
Cowan, J. P. (New York : James Pott and Company. 1904. 
Two volumes, pp. xv, 408 ; vii, 392.) 

Mr. Cowan informs his readers that he has been for forty years 
identified with the social and political life of Perth and has long given 
his attention to the history of that ancient town. He confesses that he 
has with difficulty restricted himself to two volumes — they are bulky 
ones! — and submits to the judgment of the public the success of his 
undertaking. It is the business of the reviewer, meanwhile, to point out 
to the public what it may expect to find in these volumes and, further, to 
indicate whether or not the work has been well done and may be re- 
garded as furnishing trustworthy information. 

In the first volume Mr. Cowan treats in separate chapters of the 
foundation of Perth and the beginnings of Scottish Christianity and 
national life. Then follow two chapters devoted to the archaeology and 
topography of the town, in which the author attempts to reconstruct its 
vanished monuments and former appearance. These are succeeded by 
six chapters dealing with the history of important local families and mis- 
cellaneous national events more or less connected with Perth. Two 
final chapters are devoted to an examination of the records of the town 
council in so far as they illustrate the daily life and relations of the com- 
munity. In the second volume the Ruthven Raid, the affairs of the 

1 40 Reviews of Books 

local kirk, the Gowrie Conspiracy, and the general subject of witchcraft 
in Scotland are treated in five successive chapters. Then, and in the 
order named, we have chapters on Cromwell in Scotland, the Reforma- 
tion at Perth, the Jacobite movements of 17 15 and 1745, and the life of 
the community in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 

Irrespective of the fashion in which these subjects are treated, it will 
be seen from this survey of its contents that Mr. Cowan's work is not 
strictly the history of a municipality — it offers us historical memoirs of 
Perth rather than the history of the city itself. There is no continuity, 
no illustration of the growth and decay of institutions. The author's 
own words show his misunderstanding of the function of the local his- 
torian. "The history of the Ancient Capital", he says in his preface, 
" is in some respects a history of Scotland, as many of the events which 
appear on the record were all more or less national as well as local". 
Still, if the'work had been well done, even on these lines it might have 
been of value. This, however, is not the case, and it is difficult to see, 
indeed, how the work could have been much worse done. The two vol- 
umes before us afford little more than a disorderly mass of trivial gossip 
and extracts from national history drawn from second-hand authorities. 

This is a grave judgment to pass on a book which is manifestly the 
fruit of real enthusiasm and large if misdirected industry, but it can be 
only too well sustained. Consider first Mr. Cowan's method. He has a 
completely unscientific and irresponsible fashion of dealing with his 
material. Here are a few examples. In treating the origin of the 
Mercer family he writes : 

The earliest mention is in the Register of the Privy Council, which 
says: "John Mercer is said to have gifted to Malcolm Canmore his 
three water mills at Perth (afterwards assigned to the town by Robert 
III.), in return for which the Mercers obtained right to a burial vault in 
St. John's Church ". This seems a most important entry, and evidently 
quite authentic. Malcolm Canmore reigned from 1046 to 1102. (I, 

Again, he is arguing against Hill Burton for the authenticity of 
Boece's story of the battle of Luncarty and the origin of the Hay family : 

We must consider what evidence there is against the theory of the 
learned writer. The battlefield is to this day pointed out, and accumu- 
lations of human bones have been discovered there. If there were no 
battle where did these bones come from? And if the armorial bearings 
of the Earl of Errol are founded on a traditional battle, that would have 
been determined long ago by scientific inquiry. It therefore seems im- 
possible to support the theory laid down by Dr. Hill Burton on argu- 
ments which do not touch on what is contained in that standard authority, 
the Douglas Peerage. (I, 201.) 

Such is Mr. Cowan's notion of historical evidence and its uses. In 
a chapter devoted to the Gowrie conspiracy he tries to prove the guilt of 
the king, a thesis which he previously attempted to sustain in a not very 
fortunate book. 1 At the outset he remarks, " The Gowrie Conspiracy 

1 See American Historical Review, VIII, 755-757- 

Cowan: Ancient Capital of Scotland 141 

was different from every other conspiracy, in respect that it was evidently 
a plot by a royal personage against a subject " (II, 66). It would not be 
easy to find a better example of the petitio principii. In detailing the 
events that took place at Gowrie House, he cites Hill Burton, History oj 
Scotland, with the comment, " this authority we consider quite conclu- 
sive " (II, 73 n.). Again, on p. 77 he says, "He [the king] was 
Gowrie's debtor for the sum of ^80,000 ", but twenty pages below he 
admits, " we have not been able to verify the ^80,000 ". In dealing 
with the battle of Tibbermore he observes, " It is said on good authority 
that Lord Drummond's treachery was the cause of Elcho's defeat ", and 
cites in a foot-note Chambers's Dictionary of Eminent Scotsmen (II, 140). 
Rarely does one encounter a writer more addictus jurare verba magistri, 
and although at the outset one was rather aghast to find Mr. Cowan ac- 
cepting with tranquil faith the Roman origin of the municipality Perth, 
one sees on reaching the second volume that nothing else could have 
been expected. 

Mr. Cowan has printed a number of documents, but as only one of 
those that are written in Latin is given in the original, their usefulness is 
much impaired, the more so as many of them are admittedly condensed 
and the wording of the translation does not inspire confidence. The his- 
torical value — - they could not pretend to any other — of the illustrations 
of the town and its monuments may be gaged by this na'ive remark: 

The picture (enlarged) forms the frontispiece of this volume, and we 
have employed an artist to redraw and engrave the monastic buildings. 
These beautiful illustrations will arouse much interest, as we are not aware 
that they have ever before been put before the public. We do not guar- 
antee absolute accuracy ; our sole aim is to convey some idea of the gen- 
eral appearance of the edifices, their situation outside the walls, and styles 
of architecture. (I, 112.) 

If we turn from the illustrations to the bibliography we meet with the 
same state of things. There is a list of thirty-five titles in which the 
Exchequer Rolls, Henry Adamson's The Muses Threnodie, and Skene's 
Celtic Scotland are on an equal footing, nor is there one of the indispens- 
able bibliographical indications, such as date and place of publication, the 
edition made use of, and the like. One misses also the more recent works 
on Scottish history, such as the contributions of Professor Hume Brown, 
Mr. Lang, and Mr. Rait. 

Mr. Cowan's style is eminently Scottish — at moments indeed it is 
not even English, as witness the following sentences: "The Romans 
founded various towns in Scotland at that period, although we have no 
historic record" (I, 18 ) ; "The descent of the water into the 'boot' 
through the ring forms a strong cascade, where, in former days, people 
having rheumatism and colds, by bathing here, were said to be cured " 
(I, 66;. Other examples of this sort of thing, as well as the use of such 
barbarisms as " wrongous " occur in volume I, 19, 87 ; volume II, $$, 
134, 149, 195, 245. There are misprints in volume I, 115, 246, 370] 
volume II, 64. 

1 42 Reviews of Books 

With all this censure, one must not omit to call attention to what 
there is of good in the book. The translated medieval documents have a 
certain indirect value. The spirited letters of Mrs. Smythe of Meth- 
ven (I, ch. x), give a lively illustration of the disturbances occasioned 
by the Covenanters, and a striking picture of a courageous woman. The 
letters of the Earl of Mar in connection with the rising in 1715 (II, ch. 
xxi) are also of value. Some of the illustrations, too, are good, notably 
the reproductions of portraits and of coins and seals. Finally there is a 
full index, standing, perversely enough, at the end of the first volume. 

Gaillard Thomas Lapsley. 

Modern History : Europe from Charlemagne to the Present Time. 
By Willis Mason West. (Boston : Allyn and Bacon. 1904. 
Pp. xii, 651.) 

This text-book, written primarily for high-schools, is so constructed 
that it may be used in several kinds of courses. Though entitled a 
"Modern History", it really takes up the story of Europe in 800 A. D., 
where it was left by the author's well-known Ancient History ; it is thus 
admirably fitted for use in the second year in those schools which are 
able to adopt the full four-year course recommended by the Committee 
of Seven. But inasmuch as many schools find it impossible to devote a 
whole year to Europe and another to England, Mr. West has woven in, 
here and there, the essentials of English history. And finally one fea- 
ture in which it differs most markedly from the books of Robinson, 
Myers, Munro and Whitcomb, and Adams is the exceptionally full treat- 
ment given to the most recent history — as much space to the last hun- 
dred years as to the preceding thousand. This makes the book more 
satisfactory for schools which believe that " the high school course in 
history ought to put the student in touch with present movements in 
politics and society " (p. iv). It makes possible, for instance, an excel- 
lent account, well illustrated with maps, of the expansion of Europe into 
Asia and Africa. But perhaps all will not agree with Mr. West that " we 
can well afford to treat with brevity the more ephemeral phases of the Mid- 
dle Ages, however quaint, if thereby can adequate space be won for the 
marvelous nineteenth century". Is there not danger of destroying the 
sense of proportion and of crowding unduly some of the great movements 
of the past? The German Reformation, for instance, is dismissed with 
a scant five pages, and there is no mention of Zwingli. Be it said, how- 
ever, that the work of condensation, always difficult, has been done with 
unusual success by Mr. West. On every page one is surprised at the 
amount of information crowded in, while the relative importance of sub- 
jects is sharply indicated by the elaborate variations in type and the de- 
tailed analysis with numbers and letters. There are nearly forty maps, 
including not merely the obvious and ordinary ones, but many which 
visualize at a glance complicated or unsuspected relations ; such, for in- 
stance, are the sketch-maps showing the Norse kingdom of Canute the 

Lot : Reguc dc Hugues Capet 143 

Great (p. 20), German expansion and colonization eastward, 800-1400 
(p. 71), and the races of Austria-Hungary (p. 500). At the head of 
each chapter are two or three " theme sentences ", or suggestive quota- 
tions, the truth of which the pupil will realize as he reads and ponders 
the chapter. Another good feature is the report topics suggested for col- 
lateral reading or essays ; they are usually upon interesting subjects which 
text-books often incorporate, but which Mr. West has excluded in order 
to have more room for solid facts. There are also helpful suggestions to 
teachers for drill-work and reviews, and a good bibliography, though the 
names of some of the authors are misspelled. 

With a good teacher, and an earnest, rather advanced pupil this is 
one of the best text-books that can be used. There is more in it and 
more can be gotten from it than is the case with the other books which 
cover the same field. But that it will interest the average pupil we are 
not certain ; there is perhaps too much cut and dried classification, too 
much emphasis on political rather than social history, and too little to 
touch the imagination or to stimulate the pupil's independent thinking 
and reasoning concerning cause and effect. A hero is characterized by a 
few adjectives rather than by even a brief account of one of his deeds. 
To make the book completely successful, much illustrative and explana- 
tory matter must be supplied by the teacher, for there are many pithy 
statements, which, standing alone as they do, are only half-truths, and 
liable to mislead a pupil. The minor errors, perhaps inevitable in the 
first edition of a text-book covering so wide a field, are easily corrected- 

Sidney B. Fay. 

Etudes sur le Regne de Hugues Capet et la Fin du X' Siec/e. Par 
Ferdinand Lot. [Fascicule 147 de la Bibliotheque de 
l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes.] (Paris : Emile Bouillon. 1903. 
Pp. xl, 525.) 

Fideles ou Vassaux. Par Ferdinand Lot. (Paris : Emile Bouillon. 
1904. Pp. xxxiv, 287.) 

The series of studies on the transition period in French history from 
the Carolingian to the Capetian house, planned by the late M. Arthur 
Giry and undertaken by his pupils in the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, has 
received its latest and perhaps its last addition in the first of the above- 
named volumes. M. Lot is well known as the author of the earliest of 
the series, Les Dernier s Carolingiens (1891), and also as the successor of 
M. Giry in his work of instruction in the Ecole des Hautes Etudes. The 
present volume does not pretend to be a systematic history of the reign, 
or a biography of Hugh Capet, but it is, as its title declares, a series of 
studies on the period. There is a sketch of the events of the reign 
divided into two parts at the year 991, and there are especially detailed 
studies of the two important relations of the new royal power : to the 
papacy and the church, and to the great feudal barons. 

1 44 Reviews of Books 

Under the first of these, of particular interest is a sketch of the 
growth of an actual papal administrative and judicial power over the 
Gallican church. M. Lot shows how little of this there really was before 
the middle of the ninth century, and how rapidly it was developed after 
that date, beginning with the papacy of Nicholas I. This includes a 
study of the coming into use of the False Decretals and of the attitude 
toward them of Gerbert, who argued against some of their conclusions 
but did not question their authenticity. M. Lot shows once more the 
value to the crown in this period of the support of the church, and brings 
out more clearly than has been done before the much larger number of 
bishoprics and abbacies directly dependent on the king than on any of 
the great barons. In this particular the relative strength of the crown 
was far greater than in territory or in military resources. Incidentally 
the volume treats in some detail of the history of Gerbert, of whose 
letters — one of the chief sources of our knowledge of the age — M. Lot 
is preparing a new edition. 

Under the head of relation to the great baronies, the author studies 
at some length each of these latter in this particular with many interest- 
ing details, but reaches no other conclusion than the great practical 
weakness of the crown. In both books he strongly asserts his belief 
that the " Duchy of France " was not a definite territory, but a regency 
of the kingdom. The elements of a reconstruction of the royal power 
are found in the ideas of the monarchy kept alive in the feudal relation- 
ship, in those held and taught by the church, and in the ideas of nation- 
ality and unity expressed in some of the oral literature of the time and so 
brought into popular consciousness. One-half the volume is devoted to 
appendixes on special points of chronology, of political history, on the 
surname Capet, etc. Of particular interest is one on the home, date, and 
author of the False Decretals, in which M. Lot decides in favor of Reims, 
shortly after 853, and on Vulfadus as the probable author, conclusions 
also reached by Lurz in his Hcimat Pseudo-Isidors, published in 1898, 
but not before M. Lot's conclusions had been reached. Another very 
useful appendix gives a table of all the abbeys presumably in existence 
at the end of the tenth century, with place, name of the patron, and 
references to the sources. 

In the second volume here reviewed M. Lot discusses an important 
point of institutional history of the same general period : were the great 
barons bound to the crown by a tie of vassalage, or by a looser and 
lighter bond of fealty only, which would give their practically indepen- 
dent sovereignties something more nearly a legal foundation ? Luchaire 
and Glasson have inclined to the latter view, and it has been strongly 
advocated by Flach in the third volume of his Origines, reviewed in the 
July number of this Review. Against this theory M. Lot argues vigor- 
ously, and in my opinion with entire success. He takes up one after 
another the baronies of the six lay peers of the thirteenth century, and 
studies in full detail their relations to the crown in this particular during the 
tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries. From a point soon after the begin- 

Thompson: Chronicon Ada: de Usk 145 

ning of the twelfth century there ceases to be any question of the nature 
of the relationship, and the argument for that age is clearly demonstrative. 
For the two earlier centuries the evidence is rather of a probable char- 
acter, and what M. Lot calls the a priori argument is of more importance 
than he seems inclined to admit. Some parts of this could have been 
developed more at length with advantage, as for example the considera- 
tion that there is no point between the beginning of the tenth century 
and the middle of the thirteenth when it would have been possible for a 
weak Capetian king to have transformed the supposed loose tie of mere 
fealty into liege homage, and that any attempt to do it would have left 
indelible traces in the records of the age. Much depends on the argu- 
ment to show that during this age fealty and vassalage were practically 
identical, or, as M. Lot expresses it, that fealty was not conceived of as 
a weaker bond than vassalage. This also could with profit have been 
given in greater detail. The argument is, however, convincing and con- 
clusive as it stands. Although the book was written before the appear- 
ance of M. Flach's third volume, it is a valuable corrective of the pecu- 
liar teachings of that work. 

George B. Adams. 

Chronicon Adcz de Usk, A. D. 1377— 14.21. Edited with a transla- 
tion and notes by Sir Edward Maunde Thompson, K.C.B. 
Second edition. (London : Royal Society of Literature ; New 
York : Henry Frovvde. 1904. Pp. xxxviii, 346.) 

The present work is an amplification of a previous edition (1876) 
by the same editor, which closed with 1404. The discovery of the 
missing part, in a manuscript of the Duke of Rutland's collection at Bel- 
voir Castle, is one of the many services of the Historical Manuscripts 
Commission, and its identification is due to Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte. 
The new edition entirely replaces the old. It has more complete notes 
and a better and more extensive preface, and is, on the whole, a schol- 
arly production. 

Adam of Usk's Chronicle is important as a personal record of events 
in which the author, who was a prominent figure in his day, participated, 
rather than as a historical record of the times. Born at Usk in Mon- 
mouthshire about 1352, he attained a high record at Oxford. He took 
the degree of doctor of laws, was extraordinarius in canon law, and held 
a chair in civil law until 1392. From then until 1399 he practised in 
the episcopal courts of Canterbury, under patronage of Archibishop 
Arundel, as whose follower he joined Henry of Lancaster at Bristol in 
his successful attempt on the throne. Adam's mediation saved his na- 
tive town from pillage, and his friend, the Lord of Powis, from the wrath 
of Henry. He was one of the commission of bishops, lords, and doctors 
appointed to draw up the charges upon which Richard II was deposed. 
Consequently, his chronicle abounds in interesting events of these years, 
beginning with the Parliament of 1397, at which he was present. His 


146 Reviews of Books 

confirmation of two of the most charming anecdotes of Richard's deposi- 
tion renders them worthy of credence. He was one of the few present at 
the lonely meal in which the king wept over his fickle and contentious 
realm, and he gives us a version of the story of Richard's greyhound 
more remarkable than the one generally known from Froissart. 

Mention should here be made of an event in Adam's career of great 
psychological interest and characteristically medieval. It had not been 
hitherto known why, in February, 1402, he departed suddenly for Rome ; 
but from a patent-roll of 4 Henry IV, Mr. Wylie has given us 
the real reason. On November 2, 1400, the erudite doctor of laws, ac- 
companied by two retainers, one of them a near relative, took to the 
road near Westminster, and robbed a certain Walter Jakes of a black 
horse, with saddle and bridle, valued at one hundred shillings, and also 
of fourteen marks in cash ; this notwithstanding the fact that he was the 
holder of important benefices, perhaps in line for a bishopric, and stood 
in high favor with the king, who submitted important legal questions to 
him (pp. 48-54). His chronicle reveals the soul of a genuinely pious 
although superstitious man, whose actions seem generous and disinterested. 

At Rome he was favorably received and was speedily appointed to 
the important post of chaplain and auditor to Boniface IX, maintaining 
the same position after the accession of his friend Innocent VII. Im- 
portant English and Welsh benefices were conferred upon him, and he 
was even intended for the bishoprics of Hereford and St. David's, the ap- 
pointment being in each case prevented by the allegations of his enemies 
and by Henry IV's opposition. His description of papal customs and 
contemporary events at Rome forms an important part of the Chronicle. 
But disgusted with his misfortunes consequent upon the expulsion of In- 
nocent VII from Rome in 1405, Adam resolved to return to England. 
For two years he waited in vain for the king's pardon, whilst engaged in 
legal practice in northern France and in Flanders. About the end of 
1408 he crossed over to Wales and swore allegiance to Owen Glendower, 
through whom he reached his friend Lord Powis. He was finally par- 
doned in 141 1, and died, in prosperous circumstances, in 1430. To his 
association with Glendower and also to Adam's own nationality we owe 
his valuable description of the protracted struggle of the Welsh for inde- 
pendence. George Kriehn. 

L Organisation du Travail a Bruxelles an XV 6 Siccle. Par G. Des 
Marez. [Extrait du Tome LXV des Mcmoires Coitronncs ct 
autrcs Mcmoires publies par l'Academie Royale de Belgique.] 
(Brussels : Henri Lamertin. 1904. Pp. xii, 520.) 

Des Marez, a pupil of Pirenne, has been for some years favorably 
known for his work in Belgian economic history. His Etude stir la Pro- 
priety Fonciere dans les Villes du Moyen-Age, which in 1898 first brought 
him into notice, though in title and manner rather too pretentious, con- 
tained valuable material for the history of property and institutions in 

Des Marez : U Organisation du Travail a Brnxclles 147 

some of the Flemish towns. A number of lesser monographs, among 
which La Lettre de Foire a Ypres an XIII" Siecle (Brussels, 1901) is the 
most notable, have since attested his activity in this field. The book 
now under review, written in response to a problem set by the Royal 
Academy of Belgium, announces itself as a part of the larger enterprise 
to which the author has devoted himself, the history of commerce and 
industry in Belgium from the beginnings of town civilization to the end 
of the ancien regime. It is a fortunate balance to this ambitious program 
that its projector so fully realizes the necessity for careful preliminary 
exploration of the abundant unpublished material. A diligent use of the 
Brussels archives has furnished a solid basis for the present volume, and 
this " vaste et minutieuse enquete ", as Des Marez himself describes it, 
has yielded in his hands no mere compilation of excerpts from the town 
and gild records, but a competent study of gild organization and activity 
in Brussels during a most interesting period. It is a sound and useful 
book, adding new details and illustrating afresh familiar aspects of handi- 
craft regulation and gild history. The author asks, indeed, few new 
questions of his sources, he propounds no novel theories, no striking 
solution of old difficulties, but is content for the most part, well-read as 
he is, to accept questions, theories, and criticisms of theories from recent 
German work on medieval town history. But of brilliant hypotheses we 
have perhaps had enough of late ; it is sufficient praise for the builder to 
say of this stone in his promised edifice that it is well-quarried and fair- 
hewn ; no one can find fault with a building-stone for being somewhat 

The craft-gilds of the towns of Brabant, checked in their growth by 
the tardy economic development of this region and hampered, at least 
in Brussels and Antwerp, by the combined opposition of the old patrician 
drapers' gild and the aristocratic magistracy, were almost a century behind 
the Flemish towns in gaining official recognition and formal incorpora- 
tion — and this only after repeated revolts. With the exception of the 
goldsmiths, the crafts did not begin to constitute themselves under offi- 
cial sanction until 1365, and it was not until 1421 that, seizing a pro- 
pitious political conjuncture, they finally established themselves in power, 
not, however, as in Flanders, entirely displacing the patrician element, 
but sharing with it the town government under a constitution, jealously 
guarded by checks and balances, which endured to the French Revolu- 
tion. This triumph of 142 1 seems to have marked the acme of gild-life, 
soon followed by the signs of gradual decline. The political order, thus 
firmly founded on a craft -gild basis, tended to perpetuate the handicraft 
organization long after its vitality had been sapped and its unaided 
strength had become unequal to the contest with new economic and 
social forces. But similarity of economic ideas and conditions, the com- 
mon instinct of self-preservation, produced under varying political situa- 
tions very similar results. Here, as elsewhere, in an environment con- 
stantly less favorable as the town economy gave way before the national 
economy, in face of a relatively declining local industry and trade and 

1 48 Reviews of Books 

of an increasing financial burden, the crafts, bent on the maintenance of 
their existence and ideals, were forced to harden their protective armor. 
And so there was organized that whole structure of gild and town regu- 
lation which sought by the exclusion or limitation of competition to 
secure equal and permanent subsistence conditions for the handicraftsmen 
of the gilds. Practically all the articulations of this carapace may be 
studied in Brussels craft-gild history. The growing exclusiveness in 
apprenticeship and mastership regulations, until in one instance, that of 
the butchers, the craft became ultimately a hereditary caste, the Zunft- 
zivang, which here stood at the middle rather than at the initial stage of 
gild development, the minute control of production and sale, of wages 
and prices, all this apparatus of protection and restriction is described in 
sober detail by Des Marez — from the civic solemnities which attended 
the preparation of the standard loaf of bread, the pain-type, to the petty 
and acrimonious disputes on the delimitation of work as between rival 
crafts. Many of these minutiae merely elaborate well-known features of 
gild development, but there emerge some points worthy of note, such, 
for instance, as the discussion of the patrician drapers' gild-jurisdiction 
as compared with that of the craft-gilds and the relation of both to the 
echevinage. The sections dealing with the military obligations of the 
craftsmen and with the charitable brotherhoods associated with the gilds, 
which undertook to provide relief in case of accident, sickness, and old 
age, possess a value enhanced by the fact that these sides of town life 
have ordinarily been too much neglected. On some other topics of gen- 
eral interest Des Marez' s material throws little light. He follows the 
fashion in criticizing Biicher's " wage-work" and "price-work" as his- 
torical categories and he attempts a not altogether convincing correction 
of von Belovv's thesis of the non-existence of an exclusively wholesale 
merchant class in medieval society. The term "great merchant", as 
Des Marez remarks, must be relative to the stage of commercial prog- 
ress, and in the sense in which it is used by Biicher may be admissible, 
but inconclusive instances from so late a date as the end of the fifteenth 
century are hardly sufficient to invalidate von Below's special contention. 

Edwin F. Gay . 

A Critical Study of the Various Dates assigned to the Birth of 
Christopher Columbus. 'I he Real Date 14.51. With a Bibliog- 
raphy of the Question. By Henry Vignaud. (London : Henry 
Stevens, Son, and Stiles. 1903. Pp. xii, 121.) 
Hardly any subject relating to Columbus has proved more baffling 
to investigators than the determination of the date of his birth. That a 
man who wrote so much as did Columbus should not once have given his 
own age among the many autobiographical passages in his writings is 
strange ; that the statements he did make which bear on his age cannot 
possibly be harmonized seems at first even more perplexing. These little 
oversights on the part of the admiral have been so prolific in labors for 

Vignaud : Birtli of Christopher Columbus 149 

inquiring posterity that one is tempted to suspect that he had it in mind 
to mystify impertinent curiosity. 

Of late years there has been an increasing tendency to accept 1446- 
1447 as the real date. The basis on which this conclusion rests are : the 
fact that on March 20, 1472, Columbus witnessed a will, to do which it 
is assumed that he must have reached the full majority of twenty-five 
years of age ; and the fact that on May 25, 147 1, he bound himself by a 
contract with the consent of his parents, which implies that he had not 
then reached his majority. These conclusions Mr. Vignaud contests by 
showing that it was not necessary for a witness to have reached his full 
majority and that sometimes the parent's consent to a son's contract was 
necessary even after the son was twenty-five. 

Mr. Vignaud then discusses the laws of Genoa relating to the subor- 
dinate or qualified majorities at sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen years, 
besides the full majority of twenty-five. The next step in the argument 
is supplied by a document discovered by Staglieno in 1887. It reads : 
" Christofforus de Colombo filius Dominici, major annis decemnovem et 
in presentia, auctoritate, concilioet consensu dicti Dominici ejus patris", 
etc. (" Christopher Columbus upwards of nineteen years of age", etc.). 
This has usually been interpreted to mean over nineteen and under 
twenty-five, but Mr. Richard Davey, a well-known English journalist, sug- 
gested in 1892 that it meant just what it said, " over nineteen years of 
age ", and that it was equivalent in ordinary usage to saying " nineteen 
years old", or that he had passed his nineteenth birthday. Professor 
Gonzalez de la Rosa supported this view in 1900, and it is now taken up 
by Mr. Vignaud, who makes the strong point that as no law of Genoa 
has been found prescribing the attainment of nineteen years as a legal 
qualification for any acts, and as the various legal ages were sixteen, 
seventeen, eighteen, and twenty-five, there is no occasion for or meaning 
in recording that a party to a contract was over nineteen unless it was to 
state his age. Otherwise it would be said that he had passed the majority 
of eighteen, or that he was less than twenty- five years, " Minor viginti 
quinque annis". As nineteen was not one of these specified ages con- 
ferring a partial majority, "major annis decemnovem" means simply 
nineteen years old. Had Columbus been twenty or twenty-one it would 
have read " major viginti annis", etc. On p. 89 Mr. Vignaud quotes 
from Desimoni a similar expression, e. g., "major annorum XXII", 
when the interpretation seems to be the same, that at the last birthday 
the age was twenty-two. 

It seems to me that Mr. Vignaud has made out a strong case and that 
the evidence is at least quite as good for 145 1 as for 1446 and much less 
intricate and uncertain. As is well known, Columbus's early life is still 
shrouded in a haze which it is difficult to penetrate further than to show 
that it was not what Las Casas and Ferdinand have given us. That as 
late as March 20, 1472, he was officially recorded as " lanerius de 
Jauna ", " woolen worker of Genoa ", argues, it seems to me, for as late 
a date of birth as is consistent with other data. Such a description, 

150 Reviews of Books 

while not excluding his having begun to follow the sea, would hardly be 
used if he were already an expert seaman. Again, that one who began a 
seafaring life much after twenty should have become so accomplished a 
navigator seems improbable. The main misgiving that one feels about 
Mr. Vignaud's argument is in supposing that an expert Italian lawyer like 
Desimoni is mistaken in his interpretation of Genoese usage in regard to 
such matters as the deductions to be made from the notarial documents, 
for although Mr. Vignaud cites one statement of Desimoni's in favor of 
his view, Desimoni's own conclusions are quite positively in favor of 
1 446-1 447. One feels, too, that the interpretation of " major annis 
decemnovem " as asserting that Columbus had completed his nineteenth 
year, while natural and probable, is not certain. In the mass of notarial 
documents collected by Staglieno there are very few statements of the 
age of the parties, and when the age is stated the following form is used 
more than once: " etatis annorum. XI. in circa" {Raccolta Colombiano, 
Part II, vol. 1, 83). 

Mr. Vignaud has supplied all the data for an independent judgment on 
the part of the student, reprinting extracts from the Genoese statutes as 
to legal ages, all the notarial documents bearing on the question which 
Columbus signed, all the arguments given for the series of supposable 
birth-dates from 1430 to 1458, a list of the authorities supporting these 
dates respectively arranged under years, and a general bibliography of 
the sources as well. Whatever may finally be the conclusion of critics on 
Mr. Vignaud's contention, he has placed students under great obligations 
by thus collecting the requisite data to enable one to see almost at a 
glance how the case stands with each of the rival dates, which outnumber 
the cities which competed for the honor of Homer's birth. Under 145 1 
Ruge is wrongly cited as favoring that date in his Columbus. He comes 
out positively for 1446-1447 on page 24 of that work. The publishers 
have clothed this monograph in a most attractive form. 

Edward G. Bourne. 

The Oldest Map with the Name America of the Year 130 7 and the 
Carta Marina of the Year 1316 by M. Waldseemuller {Ilacomihis'). 
Edited by Joseph Fischer and Fr. R. von Wieser. (London : 
Henry Stevens, Son, and Stiles. 1903. Pp. 55, and 27 plates.) 

During the last twenty-five years a large number of valuable maps, 
the work of early sixteenth-century cartographers, have been brought to 
light, notably the Cantino, the Canerio, the Hamy, and the Waldsee- 
muller world-maps of 1507 and 15 16. Among these, the two last-named, 
which are also the last discovered, hold a most important place. It per- 
haps would not be difficult to demonstrate that they hold first place in 
the influence exerted. 

Such materials for studying early cartography are of course none too 
frequent, for, as Kohl well says, " With no class of historical documents 
has time been more destructive". Very nearly all of the charts drawn 

Fischer and Wieser : The Waldscemiiller Maps 1 5 1 

by pilots, captains, and professional draftsmen who accompanied early 
expeditions to the New World and sketched its coasts de visa have disap- 
peared, and the maps which have come down to us are compilations into 
which many of the sketches of more or less limited regions have entered. 
And yet in the increasing interest in cartographical studies, stimulated 
by these important finds of early and elaborately executed work, there 
perhaps may lie the assurance that at no distant day many of the lost 
originals may be recovered. 

Whatever the fame enjoyed by Waldseemiiller in his day as carto- 
grapher and student of geography, he seems chiefly to have been remem- 
bered in later years as one of Duke Rene's literary coterie, as the author 
of a little work which he called Cosmographia Introductio, and as co- 
editor of the 1 5 13 Strasburg edition of Ptolemy, to which work he 
added some new maps. Since Humboldt's discovery of near seventy 
years ago, his fame has rested very largely, at least in the popular mind, 
upon the fact, then made known, that he was the first to propose the 
name America for a part of the newly-discovered regions in the west. 
That Waldseemiiller had drawn and published a large world-map as early 
as 1507 appeared certain from the references in his little book and from 
allusions in letters written by himself and by his friends. From these 
references, however, only a very imperfect conception could be formed 
of the character of the map. With the finding of this long-lost map in 
the summer of 1901 he comes anew before the world as a cartographer 
of great distinction, indeed as a workman whose labors were epoch- 

While searching the archives of Wolfegg Castle in Wurttemberg for 
cartographical material which might be of value to him in his studies of 
the Norse discoveries in the New World, Professor Joseph Fischer, S. J., 
of Stella Matutina College, Feldkirch, Austria, had the good fortune to 
discover an ancient folio bearing the book-plate of Johann Schoner, a 
cartographer and mathematician of distinction, a contemporary and 
acquaintance of Waldseemiiller. This folio enclosed within its covers 
some fragments of the work of Schoner, a star-map drawn by Albrecht 
Diirer, and two large world-maps by Waldseemiiller each consisting of 
twelve sheets printed from engraved blocks. It is very evident that 
these were intended as wall-maps, each measuring with its parts properly 
joined about eight feet by four. Very shortly after the discovery had been 
made, Professor Fischer took the steps necessary for their reproduction. 
To this end every courtesy was offered by Fiirst Franz von Waldburg- 
Wolfegg, the possessor of the documents, and with the financial support 
of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna and the assistance of the 
distinguished professor of geography Fr. R. von Wieser this volume of 
excellent facsimiles made its appearance a few months since. The Eng- 
lish translator, the Rev. George Pickel, S. J., of Canisius College, Buffalo, 
N. Y., is at times amusingly literal in his part of the work. While it is 
to be regretted that the editors have presented so brief a critical study of 
the maps (about fifty-five pages, double columns, German and English), 

1 5 2 Reviews of Books 

in full justice to the work there can be found little reason for adverse 
criticism but much to praise, particularly so when it is recalled that those 
interested have waited but a comparatively short time before having 
access to the maps. 

Conjectures have been many as to the real character of the map which 
the Cosmographies was designed to accompany. Waldseemiiller referred 
to it as a large map on which had been designated the different realms by 
means of escutcheons, particular reference being made to the imperial 
eagle of the Empire, the papal keys in various parts of Europe, the 
Mohammedan crescent in Africa and in parts of Asia, the cross of Prester 
John in India, the coat of arms representing the regions belonging to the 
kings of Spain and Portugal, and the small crosses to indicate the location 
of shoals. Now that we have the map before us, it can be considered as 
nothing less than a remarkable piece of work, whatever the point of view, 
when one takes into consideration the time and place of its preparation. 
It is not dated, neither does it bear the name of Waldseemiiller, but it 
answers completely the author's brief description. Many of its legends 
accord with those given in the Cosmographies. It is clearly the original 
used by Glareanus in the preparation of his maps, discovered about ten 
years ago ; indeed that cartographer states that he had reproduced the 
work of Waldseemiiller. As could be expected, the name America is 
given to a part of the newly-discovered regions in the west, but is clearly 
not intended to be applied to the whole as is so often but erroneously 
stated or implied by writers who treat our early history. Lastly, in the 
map of 1516 there is an explicit reference to the work of 1507, in which 
it is stated that it had been printed in 1,000 copies. None have ventured 
to doubt that we now have the long-lost map, the map in piano to which 
he referred in his expression "Universalis Cosmographise descriptio tarn 
in solido quam piano". There is also here new evidence in this map 
that the Plauslav-Liechtenstein gore map is a copy of Waldseemiiller' s 
map in solido, although the doubt is not yet entirely removed as to 
whether AValdseemiiller meant a globe by that Latin term. 

The projection of the 1507 map is that of Ptolemy, but the modifi- 
cation is marked. The small inset maps at the top, an original idea with 
him, are the oldest known maps in which the earth's surface has been 
divided into two hemispheres. These are nothing less than the originals 
of the rough woodcuts by Stobnicza, to which considerable importance 
has hitherto been attached. His portraits of Ptolemy and Vespucci, 
drawn to the right and the left of the hemispheres the old and the new 
world respectively, are of course mere sketches of fancy. Waldseemiiller 
exhibits what appears as an interesting inconsistency in his opinion re- 
specting the contour of the New World. In his inset maps he indicates 
a Central-American isthmus, while in the large map he shows a strait 
between the land to the north and that to the south. The presentation 
in the large map may be but the expression of a belief in the insular 
character of the newly-discovered regions. That he was strongly influ- 
enced in his cartographical notions by Ptolemy for the regions professedly 

Fischer and JVieser : The JValdsccmiiller Maps 153 

known by that ancient geographer is very evident, notably for the regions 
in the far east, but new sources necessarily served him for the lands 
beyond the world of Ptolemy, and the evidence that his sources here were 
largely Portuguese is none the less certain. He shows clearly in this map 
that he believed the new discoveries in the west were no part of Asia, a 
belief more generally entertained at that early date than many of the 
recent historians of the period would have us believe. 

There are many respects in which the marine map of 15 16 is a more 
interesting piece of work than is the world-map of 1507. That it exerted 
a marked influence on the cartography of the century, though perhaps 
not so marked as the earlier- one, is now certain. The brief mention 
by Ortelius in his catalogue of 1570 of a marine map by Waldseemuller, 
without date and published in Germany, contains about the only infor- 
mation we had of this before Professor Fischer's discovery. The style 
and excellence of the draftmanship which the Carta Marina exhibits 
suggest the thought that Albrecht Durer, or a prominent member of his 
school, here rendered cartographical science a service. It is not drawn 
on the Ptolemaic projection, but on a rectangular network of degrees, 
and is distinctly marked as a marine chart by intersecting rhumb-lines 
issuing from compass-cards with thirty-two divisions. Twice the name 
of Waldseemuller appears on the chart, and among others there is the 
interesting but not altogether definite legend " Consumatum est in oppido 
S. Deodati compositione et digestione Martini Waldseemuller Ilacomili ". 
A dedication on one of the sheets to Hugo de Hassard, bishop of Toul, 
honors that patron of the Vosgian Gymnasium. 

Although this has been referred to as a world-map, Waldseemuller has 
omitted more than one hundred degrees of longitude. The northern 
region of the New World is designated as Terra de Cuba Asie Partis, 
but he leaves us wholly in doubt as to his belief respecting the manner in 
which Terra de Cuba is joined with the continent of Asia. The name 
Prisilia sive Terra Papagalli now takes the place of America, a change 
prompted by a sense of justice to Columbus, it would seem from the 
legend: " Plec [regio] per Hispanos et Portugalenses frequentatis navi- 
gationibus inventa circa annos Domini 1492 : quorum capitanei fuere 
Cristoferus Columbus Januensis Primus, Petrus Aliaressecundus, Albericus 
Vesputius tertius ", a legend which also appears on the Schoner globe of 
1520. The details of this map show a decided advance in knowledge 
since the issue of the map of 1 507, and indicate that the author had been 
guided less by Ptolemy and more by the modern maps. 

He often refers in his Cosmographice to the sources he consulted in 
the preparation of his map of 1507. Clearly Ptolemy held first place 
among these sources, yet Marco Polo also served him for the east, Donnus 
Xicolaus Germanus for the Scandinavian regions, Portuguese maps and 
reports for the African coasts and for the New World, particularly maps 
of the Behaim, the Martellus, the Hamy, and especially the Canerio 
types. In a personal letter from Professor Fischer he expresses the 
belief that he has found but recently some of Waldseemuller's map 

154 Reviews of Books 

sources, hitherto unknown, for certain sections of eastern Africa and 
Asia. All these sources with a number of others enter into his work. 

As for the Carta Marina, the editors can hardly be accused of over 
statement in referring to it as "a printed edition of the Canerio chart, 
not indeed a slavish reprint ; but an improved and . . . enlarged edi- 
tion". In nomenclature, in legends, in coast contours the resemblance 
is striking. A large number of his sources for this map are expressly 
enumerated in a legend which is conspicuously given. That the Portu- 
guese cartography of the new discoveries should have exerted so remark- 
able an influence on the geographers of central Europe, particularly the 
German, is an interesting fact. It is not to be explained by merely 
attributing a more liberal spirit to the Portuguese than to the Spanish 
governments respecting the spread of information concerning the new 
lands discovered. There is suggested, by the fact of that great influence, 
a lively intercourse, commercial and otherwise, between Germany and 
Portugal in those years, and the nature of that intercourse is a subject 
worthy of more careful study. 

One can no longer doubt with Nordenskiold the marked ability and 
influence of Waldseemuller. Clearly his maps of 1507 and 1516 are his 
best work, yet his map of Europe bearing the date 1511, but recently 
found, and his contributions to the Strasburg edition of Ptolemy entitle 
him to a place of first rank. We now know very much of the extent of 
his influence on his contemporaries and his successors of the century, 
and the list of those who copied him more or less slavishly is a long one. 
In the amount of positive information that these maps give concerning 
the status of geographical knowledge in the early years of the sixteenth 
century may be found no small part of their historical value. An aston- 
ishingly large part of the literature of early American cartography needs 
careful revision since the issue of this volume of facsimiles. 

E. L. Stevenson. 

The Opening of the Mississippi : a Struggle for Supremacy in the 
American Interior. By Frederick Austin Ogg, Instructor in 
History in Indiana University. (New York : The Macmillan 
Company ; London : Macmillan and Co. 1904. Pp. xi, 670.) 
This book is itself a monograph showing the efforts of four nations 
through three centuries to discover and settle, develop, and control the 
Mississippi valley. The narrative begins with the first visits of the Span- 
iards to the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico and concludes with the 
admission of the state of Louisiana into the Union with boundaries that 
embraced a portion of that vague province, " West Florida ". The place 
of the book in a classified bibliography is between the general works such 
as Wilson's or McMaster's (for the period which McMaster and Ogg have 
in common) on the one hand, and, on the other, the monographs of 
Parkman, Thwaites, and Winsor on the French discoverers, Gayarre's 
History of Louisiana, Hosmer's History of the Louisiana Purchase, or 

Ogg : Opening of the Mississippi 1 5 5 

Adams's History of the United States. It is fuller and more connected 
than the first class, uninterrupted by excursions into other fields. It is 
less detailed and exhaustive than the other class. How could it be other- 
wise within the limits of six hundred and fifty-odd pages of text ? 

The style is that of the simple, straightforward narrative. It flows 
almost as smoothly over matters involving disputed fact and interpreta- 
tion as over the well-accepted views. The author states the best approved 
opinion, generally relegating controversy to the foot-notes, where the 
opposing views are briefly stated with references. 

The author makes no pretension to having had access to new and 
unused material or to having discovered a new and improved interpreta- 
tion of the old material. Foot-notes refer by author and page to the 
source materials and the secondary authorities with equal copiousness. 
The reason for the book's existence is that the subject, as conceived by 
the author, is sufficiently definite and important and interesting to de- 
mand treatment as a whole, yet has not hitherto been treated as a whole 
though many writers have treated one or more phases of it. Here the 
results of their efforts are put together and unified, the gaps filled up, and 
the discrepancies harmonized according to the author's best light and 
judgment. It might be described as a history compiled from the exten- 
sive mass of monographs, studies, and papers bearing on the subject, care- 
fully revised and compared with the original sources. 

Take the treatment of La Salle as an instance. Chapter iv, "La 
Salle and the Opening of the Great West ", fifty-three pages, is preceded 
by a chapter of thirty-six pages on " The Search of the French for the 
Mississippi ", and it is followed by a chapter of equal length on "The 
Exploration of the Upper Mississippi ". This is the position and the 
proportion of space allotted to the famous explorer. Compare with this 
the mass of "source material " cited in foot-notes and here sufficiently 
indicated by the names of French, Thwaites, Margry, Shea, not to add 
more ; and the secondary material of Parkman, Winsor, Monette, and 
many lesser contributors. The reader who came to the book to find an 
exhaustive and critical study of La Salle would be disappointed. What 
the author intended, and what we find, is not a study of his career under 
the microscope — in minute detail, but rather with the field-glass, in dis- 
tant perspective. So with any other chapter. "The Louisiana Pur- 
chase" is the eleventh of the fourteen chapters and occupies forty-four 
pages. Yet there are on almost every page exact references to twenty- 
two different authorities in the aggregate, such as the American State 
Papers, The Writings of Jefferson, The Annals of Congress, or Adams's 
History of the United States (which devotes eleven chapters to this sub- 
ject;, and Hosmer's History of the Louisiana Purchase. 

Finally, it is a book to inform and entertain the reader and to stimu- 
late in him an interest in the sources and more elaborate studies. What 
it purports to do it does, not faultlessly, but commendably ; and no reader 
who considers both the scope of the title and the size of the book need 
be disappointed in its contents. Frederick W. Moore. 

1 5 6 Reviews of Books 

A History of Louisiana. By Alcee Fortier, Litt. D., Professor 
in Tulane University of Louisiana, President of the Louisiana 
Historical Society. In four volumes : I. Early Explorers and 
the Domination of the French, 15 12-1768. II. The Spanish 
Domination and the Cession to the United States, 1769- 
1803. III. The American Domination (part 1), 1 803-1 861. 
IV. The American Domination (part 11), 1861-1903. (Paris 
and New York: Manzi, Joyant, and Company. 1904. Pp. 
xix, 268 ; xiv, 342 ; xiii, 272 ; xiii, 299.) 

AVith the possible exception of Texas, Louisiana, with her changing 
boundaries, has had, in some respects, the most romantic and varied his- 
tory of any American state. These four handsome volumes contain, in 
a sense, the story of a region rather than of a commonwealth. Pictur- 
esque Spanish explorers were in the country which La Salle afterward 
styled "Louisiane", as early as 15 19, when Alvarez de Pineda is thought 
by many historians to have discovered the Mississippi — by others, the 
Mobile. There is no evidence that Jolliet and Marquette had any 
knowledge of Spanish predecessors on the Mississippi ; theirs was as 
much a discovery as was that of Columbus, who had been preceded upon 
our continent nearly five centuries by Norwegian vikings from Iceland. 
Dr. Fortier concedes La Salle's discovery of the Ohio in 1671, but dis- 
credits the oft-repeated story of his entering the Mississippi prioi to Jol- 
liet and Marquette. La Salle's ill-fated career is but briefly treated in 
the work before us, the history of Louisiana proper being considered as 
commencing with the enduring settlement of Iberville, Bienville, and 
Sauvole at Biloxi (1699). These three sons of Charles le Moyne firmly 
planted the new colony, and may well be regarded as the fathers of 
Louisiana. Iberville and Sauvole soon passing away, Bienville remained 
until 1743 as the principal historical figure. Others occasionally occu- 
pied the post of governor ; but Bienville, as devoted and disinterested 
as Champlain, was throughout this long period the chief actor, and 
powerfully and beneficently influenced the colony. During his long 
supremacy the wide-stretching region of Louisiana was the scene of many 
fruitful and stirring events. His successor, Marquis de Vaudreuil — " le 
grand marquis " — was much of the time engaged in disputes with his 
colleagues ; nevertheless considerable progress was made under his 
administration, best of all being the introduction of the sugar-cane 
(1751), " one of the greatest benefits ever rendered Louisiana ". Two 
years later he was succeeded by Kerlerec, whom our author does not 
think dishonest, although his contemporaries, with whom this choleric 
person frequently quarreled, stoutly declared that he " had not come to 
the colony for a change of air ". New Orleans and its neighboring set- 
tlements, although far from the seat of decisive military operations, were 
indirectly much affected by the French and Indian War. The neighbor- 
ing tribes were in a constant state of ferment, and could only be kept 

Fortier : A History of Louisiana \ 5 7 

from laying their hands on the whites by continual showers of presents 
and by the fostering of tribal jealousies, which latter duty Kerlerec ap- 
pears to have performed with some skill ; while threatened Pmglish 
attacks frequently racked the nerves of the colonists. 

The loss of Canada induced Louis XV, to whom Louisiana had been 
a considerable expense, to dispose of the latter province to Spain by the 
secret treaty of Fontainebleau, November 3, 1762. Louisianians were 
much incensed when they learned in the spring of 1764 that they had 
been handed over to a new master ; but it was two years later before the 
Spanish governor, Don Antonio de Ulloa, arrived at New Orleans. 
Ulloa managed the people badly, and by arbitrary conduct aroused in- 
tense opposition to Spanish authority. The French court was passion- 
ately appealed to by the New Orleans people to take them back again ; 
and when this petition was ignored, the obnoxious governor was packed 
on board of a vessel (November 1, 1768) and ordered out of the country, 
a proceeding in which were involved "some of the most influential men 
in the colony ". The conspiracy aroused the Spanish monarch, and the 
following summer there arrived at New Orleans Don Alejandro O'Reilly 
as governor and captain-general of the province, backed by a frigate and 
twenty-three transports, with three thousand soldiers. The chiefs of the 
revolution were arrested, several of them shot, and others confined in 
the castle at Havana. 

Under Ulloa French political methods had been retained, but 
O'Reilly introduced Spanish law and governmental modes, and insti- 
tuted a cabildo. Execrated by the colonists because of his unnecessarily 
harsh treatment of the revolutionists of 1768, although otherwise a man 
of some judgment, " Bloody O'Reilly " was succeeded by the mild and 
humane Unzaga (1770), who soothed the Creoles into a fair measure of 
contentment with Spanish rule. He was followed (1777) by the gallant 
and indefatigable Galvez, who, in due course, made way (1785) for 
Miro, who, misled by the scheming Wilkinson — whose unsavory record 
our author does not shield, despite the fact that some of Wilkinson's 
descendants are fellow-residents of New Orleans — entertained hopes of 
separating the trans-Alleghenians of Kentucky and Tennessee from the 
Federal Union. Miro and his "business like, vigilant, and judicious " 
successor, Carondolet (1791), figure largely in our diplomatic history 
because of their connection with the disputed navigation of the Missis- 
sippi and the temporary disaffection of the West. Professor Turner's 
ample study of the American, French, and Spanish documents in the 
case is not cited by our author, and apparently has not been examined, 
there being a rather inadequate treatment of this episode, which was so 
full of menace for the Union by threatening its early westward expan- 
sion. This was a period abounding also in Indian disturbances and 
other interesting events — a threatened attack from the British in Can- 
ada, an uprising of the slaves (1795), the cession of the Natchez dis- 
trict to the United States (1797), and an epidemic at New Orleans. 
With the coming of the impecunious but kind and affable Governor 

1 5 8 Reviews of Books 

Gayoso de Lemos (1797), friction arose with the United States because 
of the governor's arbitrary regulations regarding American commerce 
through the port of New Orleans ; but he died after two years in office, 
and the affair had meanwhile blown over. 

Before the appointment of a new governor,' Spain, under moral pres- 
sure from Napoleon, retroceded Louisiana to France by the secret treaty 
of San Ildefonso, October 1, 1800. The story is familiar, in the present 
centennial period, of the first consul's ambition to found another New 
France in North America, of the thwarting of this disturbing project by 
his threatened war with England, of his sale of Louisiana to the United 
States, the picturesque transfers at New Orleans and St. Louis, the ex- 
ploration of the trans-Mississippi by Lewis and Clark, and the speedy 
settlement of the country by American enterprise. With the division of 
Upper Louisiana into territories of the United States, the story of 
Louisiana is thereafter confined practically to the present boundaries of 
the commonwealth, but still abounds in notable incidents. Dr. Fortier 
devotes much space to the somewhat troublous process of adapting the 
commonwealth to American political methods, which were quite foreign 
to Creole habits if not taste. The Burr conspiracy has a considerable 
claim upon his attention, also the stirring incidents of the War of 1812 ; 
the Mexican War, which closely affected Louisiana interests, receives 
slighter notice ; but the War of Secession is waged through three chap- 
ters of detail, and the dark period of Reconstruction is accorded similar 
space. Referring to the discontinuance of the use of the Federal Army 
for the purpose of upholding state governments (1877), and of President 
Hayes's subsequent congratulatory message to Congress on the "signifi- 
cant and encouraging " results of the hands-off policy, the author says : 
" The fortunate situation in the Southern States mentioned by the Presi- 
dent might have been obtained eight years sooner if the people had been 
allowed their constitutional right of self-government " (IV, 194-195). 

Since the resumption of constitutional government, the progress of 
the state has been rapid and uninterrupted, the concluding chapters being 
devoted to the pleasing story of material development, and to the growth 
of culture as exhibited in her literary productivity (chiefly in French), 
and her large and numerous educational institutions. The final para- 
graph foreshadows the celebration of the centennial of the treaty of ces- 
sion of Louisiana to the United States, in December, 1903, when 
"Thanks will be rendered to the Almighty for the blessings enjoyed by 
the millions living in the vast country watered by the great Mississippi 
and its tributaries, to which the heroic La Salle gave the immortal name 
of ' Louisiane ' ". 

This latest history of Louisiana comes to us in four tall octavo 
volumes handsomely bound in red morocco backs and corners, with 
marbled paper sides and gilt tops, and printed on heavy deckle-edged 
paper. It contains ninety-six photogravure illustrations by Goupil and 
Company, among which are " 86 contemporary portraits from the seven- 
teenth to the twentieth centuries, among them being many which have 

For tier : A History of Louisiana 159 

never before been reproduced and were not known to exist". Either 
in the text or in the notes — which latter are grouped at the end of each 
volume, instead of being given as foot-notes, where they could easily be 
consulted — there are included "the original text of all the treaties 
which concerned Louisiana, France, Spain, and the United States"; the 
portraits include " everyone connected officially with the transfer, includ- 
ing Jefferson (painted in 1803); Bonaparte (painted in 1803); Robert 
Livingston and James Monroe, the American ministers ; Barbe-Marbois, 
Decres, and Talleyrand, the French ministers ; Laussat, the French 
colonial prefect, who actually made the transfer at New Orleans, Decem- 
ber 20, 1803 ; and James Wilkinson and W. C. C. Claiborne, who 
received the territory in the name of the United States ". 

All this array is sufficiently attractive, and will doubtless secure 
buyers ; but we must confess to a certain disappointment with the text. 
In others of Dr. Fortier's writings concerning Louisiana and its people 
we have found an easy, flowing, illuminating style, which may often be 
deemed charming. The present work indicates either haste — despite 
the fact that the publishers assure us that it has been three years in 
preparation — or a misapprehension of the historical proprieties. There 
was an opportunity here for a safe middle course between the dry recita- 
tion of Martin and the pyrotechnics of Gayarre ; and this is what we 
might naturally have expected of the author of Louisiana Studies. In- 
stead, we have a rather hard and formal manner, seldom exhibiting the 
author's natural grace of diction and, worst of all, almost wholly lacking 
in what is called "atmosphere ". Throughout his long recital of polit- 
ical and military events our author in few places, and then but briefly, 
seeks to lift the curtain upon life and manners among his historic 
Louisianians — the very sort of thing which Dr. Fortier is surely capable 
of doing, and for which his admirers will first search through these four 
superbly-appointed volumes. It would seem as though the gifted presi- 
dent of the Louisiana Historical Society feared lest his imagination, if 
given rein, might play him tricks in this new field of study, and hence 
had best be curbed and blinded. 

We do not find our author tripping seriously in his sturdy plodding 
through the wilderness of facts. He appears to have observed his sources 
to good purpose ; but fewer long and often tedious citations from original 
documents and from the pages of his predecessors Martin and Gayarre, 
and a freer presentation of his own views, together with a better sense 
of differentiation between matter desirable for text and that only suitable 
for notes or an appendix, would have resulted in a more acceptable piece 
of book-making. As we have already intimated, mechanically and from 
the point of view of dignified and appropriate illustration, the volumes 
are well worthy of the centennial of the Louisiana purchase. 

R. G. Thwaites. 

1 60 Reviews of Books 

Lectures on European History. By William Stubbs, D.D., formerly 
Bishop of Oxford and Regius Professor of Modern History in 
the University of Oxford. Edited by Arthur Hassall, M. A. 
(London and New York : Longmans, Green, and Company. 
1904. Pp. viii, 424.) 

These thirty-four lectures were delivered at Oxford between i860 
and 1870. They cover the political and military history of the period 
of the Reformation and the Thirty Years' War on the continent. Of the 
eleven lectures in part 1, " The Emperor Charles V ", only two are de- 
voted to the Reformation. Even in these the author proclaims his inten- 
tion " in this course to steer clear of the religious part of the Reforma- 
tion history : as clear as I can ". The chief actor is Charles, and the 
chapter devoted to "The Character of Charles V", is one of the most 
balanced and interesting in the book. Luther receives the briefest pos- 
sible mention half a dozen times, Zwingli is mentioned once, and Calvin 
not at all. Part 11, " The Political History of Europe from the Resig- 
nation of Charles V ", is about equally divided among Germany, France, 
and Spain and the Netherlands. " Henry IV. 's Place in the History of 
Europe " is the most interesting and valuable chapter here ; "I place 
him above Philip, on a par with Elizabeth, and far below William the 
Silent" (p. 246). Part in, "The Political History of Europe during 
the Thirty Years' War", the author confesses, "has not answered ex- 
actly to the title "; " whilst we have given a good deal of attention to 
the drum and trumpet part of the story we have been obliged rather to 
cut short the political commentary " (p. 386). 

These three parts Bishop Stubbs regarded as three acts "of a great 
series ", with " two distinct ideas in progress which may be regarded as 
giving a unity to the long period. The Reformation is one, the claims of 
the house of Hapsburg the other. On the whole, the history of the 
house of Hapsburg is the string on which most certainly the unity of 
the history arranges itself " (p. 404). Following this thread, the lec- 
turer gives a very sympathetic but temperate and fair-minded picture of 
the Hapsburg rulers and their policy. In the Thirty Years' War he 
judges the " Catholic princes infinitely superior in political and moral 
energy to the Protestant ones" (p. 406). 

The lectures give a calm and dispassionate account of a great period, 
by a scholar of wide reading and sound judgment. The book is weighty 
and learned rather than brilliant, and abounds in facts rather than in 
generalizatious or interpretations. Probably the most valuable feature is 
Bishop Stubbs's estimate of the great men of the era, where he displays 
his judicial temper, or what one of his well-known pupils is fond of 
describing as "an unequalled power of sitting on the fence ". The two 
exceptions are the severe judgments of Francis I and of the Puritans. The 
lectures do not "attempt any original research" (p. 7). It would be 
hardly fair to compare them with the scholarly investigations of the last 
generation of continental, English, and American scholars, or to expect 

Lauciaui : Storia derli Scavi rfi Roma 1 6 1 


them to make any positive contribution to the present stock of knowl- 
edge. It would be fairer to compare them with the lectures delivered by 
Hausser at Heidelberg, and edited by Oncken nearly forty years ago. 

The book is so crowded with detail as to be frequently too much 
like an encyclopedia or even an epitome. An extreme example of these 
faults is on page 159. Here are some sixty proper names, thirty-nine 
dates, and two very puzzling and not entirely accurate descriptions of 
the Guise and Bourbon families. All this could have been given more 
clearly and correctly and far more usefully for reference in genealogical 

The two lines devoted to Richelieu's terms at Rochelle (p. 389), 
the five lines to the Edict of Amboise of 1563 (p. 185) are inadequate 
and misleading ; the six lines devoted to the Edict of Nantes are inade- 
quate in the statements of both what was given and what was reserved 
(p. 240). Space for fuller treatment of these and other subjects could 
easily and profitably have been made by omissions in the " enormous 
mass of afflicting details ", and " the sufficiently tough reading " which 
the lecturer with delightful and judicious candor admits characterize his 
treatment of the Thirty Years' War (pp. 375, 402). 

The editing leaves something to be desired. There are half a dozen 
sentences or clauses which lack verbs, or are otherwise unintelligible, and 
as many more which are obscure or contradictory. A few incorrect dates, 
half a dozen other minor errors, and the presence of undesirable collo- 
quialisms make up a total of nearly two score minor blemishes or errors 
which the lecturer would undoubtedly have removed and which would 
have disappeared before a proof-reading more painstaking and worthy 
of the scholarship manifested in the lectures. The eleven notes are of 
-the most meager nature. There is no attempt at bibliography of any 
sort. The sole reference to recent literature is to Pollard's Henry VIII. 
The very poor index of fourteen pages is followed by forty pages of ad- 

In spite of the inevitable limitations of university lectures written a 
generation ago, and of the avoidable defects of editing, Bishop Stubbs's 
lectures show sound learning and unbiased judgment in a period where 
these qualities are preeminently needed. 

Herbert Darling Foster. 

Storia degli Scavi di Roma e Motizic intorno le Colic zioni Romauc <li 
Antichita. Per Rodolfo Lanciani. Volume II, a. 1 531-1549. 
(Rome : Ermanno Loescher e Co. 1903. Pp. 265.) 

While the first volume ' of this important work covered a period of 
more than 400 years (1000-1530), the second covers only the following 
eighteen (1531-1549;, including the last four years of the pontificate 
of Clement VII and the whole of that of Paul III. This short period 
was fertile in the discovery of archaeological remains, largely in conse- 

' See American Historical Rf.view, April, 1903 (VIII, 522-523). 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — II. 

1 62 Reviews of Books 

quence of the municipal improvements due to the energy of Alexander 
Farnese and of his efficient coadjutor, Giovenale Latino Mannetti, who 
opened thirteen new streets in the city and has been called by Lanciani 
the Haussmann of Rome. The character of these improvements, and 
the slight expense incurred by the municipality in making them, are con- 
trasted favorably with the reckless extravagance and ofttimes inartistic 
results of the last thirty years. 

The first volume of the Storia was arranged according to a strict 
chronological system that rendered it necessary to look up many refer- 
ences in order to trace the history of the excavations on any one site 
through a series of years. Just criticism of this arrangement has led the 
author to modify the method somewhat and to adopt the following 
scheme : the entries are divided into three parts, those relating to the ex- 
cavations themselves, those relating to the museums and collections, and 
those relating to the removal and subsequent history of works of art. In 
the second place, all the notices occurring in each century which relate 
to one building, group of buildings, or site are arranged together under 
the year where the first notice belongs. Thus, in the period under re- 
view, the first notice of excavations on the site of the palazzo Farnese 
occurs in 1542, and the following twenty-eight pages are devoted to the 
history of succeeding discoveries on the same site down to the close of 
the sixteenth century. The history of each century is to be kept dis- 
tinct. This change has materially increased the usefulness and conveni- 
ence of the book, converting it from a mere storehouse of facts into a 
work which is often very readable. The indexes have also been im- 
proved. A second result of this change in arrangement is that this vol- 
ume, while nominally covering only eighteen years, really covers the 
rest of the century in the case of many structures. 

Some indication of the relative importance of the discoveries on dif- 
ferent sites during the seventy years from 1530 to 1600 may be given by 
the amount of space devoted to them in this volume. Forty pages are 
occupied with the discoveries in the Forum and on the Sacra via, twenty- 
two with those on the Palatine, fifteen with those in the baths of Dio- 
cletian, and twenty-eight with those in the palazzo Farnese, while thirty 
pages are devoted to the account of the building of the palazzo del Con- 
servatori and the additions to the Capitoline collections. 

The most interesting, and at the same time painful, section is that 
which deals with the discoveries made in the Forum. When Charles V 
entered Rome in triumph, April 5, 1536, a new street was built from the 
Arch of Titus across the Forum to the Arch of Severus, which caused the 
destruction of numerous medieval buildings and of some ancient remains. 
Four years later Paul III granted the exclusive right of excavating within 
and without the city to those in charge of the construction of St. Peter's, 
who wanted the marble and travertine for building purposes. The con- 
sequences were most disastrous, for the Forum valley was worked pre- 
cisely like a quarry, and during the next decade not only were many 
parts of the ancient monuments which still projected above the level of 

Towns hend : Life of the Great Earl of Cork 1 6 


the ground removed, but the process of destruction was carried on in 
extensive excavations. Had it not been for the havoc wrought during 
these ten years, the present condition of the Forum would be as different 
as possible, and very considerable remains of at least ten buildings would 
still be standing. 

This is not the place to enter into any discussion of the topographical 
questions involved in the account of the excavations, but attention may 
be called in passing to the convincing evidence accumulated by Lanci- 
ani that the Vivarium was close to the castra Prcetoria and not near the 
porta Prcetiestina. The author is to be congratulated again upon both 
the form and the matter of this notable work, 

S. B. Platner. 

The Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork. By Dorothea 
Towxshexd. (New York : E. P. Dutton and Company ; Lon- 
don : Duckworth and Company. 1904. Pp. xvi, 531.) 

This volume is a real contribution to the history of Ireland not so 
much on the political as on the economic side. Richard Boyle, an 
English adventurer of the type of Raleigh and Drake, sought his fortune 
in Ireland as Raleigh sought his in America. In that country of misrule 
and revolt he found both honor and fortune, and was known by his con- 
temporaries as the Great Earl of Cork, as though the adjective were a 
rightful part of his title. 

For the present work Miss Townshend has had an abundance of 
material. The Great Earl of Cork was the ancestor of the Duke of Devon- 
shire, the Earl of Cork and Orrery, the Earl of Shannon, Lord Barrymore, 
Lord Digby, and the Duke of Leinster ; and in these families have been 
preserved the letters and papers from which this history has been drawn. 
The most valuable papers are in the possession of the Duke of Devonshire, 
who descends from the earl's eldest son ; they are preserved at Lismore 
Castle. These papers were edited by Dr. Grosart and privately printed 
in ten volumes — five containing the Great Earl's diary and five contain- 
ing letters to him from his family and friends, with some of his replies. 
From these volumes Miss Townshend has drawn the greater part of her 
material ; but she has supplemented it from autobiographies of the earl's 
children and from other family papers, from county histories, and from 
Caulfield's city council books. 

The work throws some additional light on Irish political history 
under Queen Elizabeth and the first two Stuarts. Court intrigues and 
enmities between the servants of the queen and her successors, as 
related here, help to an understanding of both home and foreign politics ; 
but all such matters are treated only incidentally. Miss Townshend' s 
endeavor has been to create a living personality in the earl, and to give 
just as much of his environment and as much about his contemporaries as 
is necessary to this end. Many of the pages are taken up with what from 
the point of view of the political student must be considered trivialities 

1 64 Reviews of Books 

— courtships and marriages in the earl's family ; visits, ceremonial and 
friendly ; debts and difficulties of his sons and sons-in-law ; family bills ; 
and presents and their cost. We learn also about the education of the 
earl's sons and wards ; their journeys to London and their presentation 
at court ; their occasional illnesses, and even the physicking they endured. 
In short, we have a very full and detailed picture of life in the families 
of the wealthy at the close of the sixteenth and the opening of the seven- 
teenth century ; and the student of social conditions will here gather much 
that is useful to him. 

It is, however, to the student of economic conditions in Ireland that 
the book will appeal most strongly. The Great Earl found his fortune in 
the province of Minister. Little by little he became the greatest land- 
owner in that part of Ireland ; and he found the land a land of plenty 
and by no means the poverty-stricken, distressful country we are apt to 
consider it. The rivers were rich in fish and pearls ; the mountains in 
silver, copper, and iron ore and in timber, good for ship-building and for 
barrel staves. We are told that Richard Boyle was paid ^4,600 for 
bar-iron exported to Amsterdam in 1623, and for silver mines leased in 
1 63 1 he received a rent in kind consisting of a fair basin and ewer, four 
dozen large silver plates, and eight great candlesticks. The earl also 
introduced tobacco culture into Ireland and set up glass and woolen 
works in his town of Youghal. In Youghal and also in his other three 
towns of Lismore, Bandon Bridge, and Clonakilty, which all owed their 
existence as towns to him, he settled English families ; and it was English 
not Irish industry which made this part of Ireland for a while so busy 
and prosperous. The Great Earl was no better than his times in his 
attitude toward the native and Catholic Irish ; but it is hard to decide 
whether it was for economic or religious reasons that he so rigorously 
excluded Catholics from his town demesnes. For many reasons the Life 
of the Great Earl of Cork is valuable as a contribution to Irish history of 
the period of the English plantation of Ireland. 

A. G. Porritt. 

England in the Mediterranean : a Study of the Rise and Influence 
of British Power zvithin the Straits, 1603— ijij. By Julian S. 
Corbett. (London, New York, and Bombay : Longmans, 
Green, and Company. 1904. Two vols., pp. ix, 342 ; ii, 351.) 
The author of this book belongs to the imperialistic school of his- 
torians, who write history with a tendency, and history with a tendency 
is not history, but a sermon based upon historic facts in the nature of 
things falsely apprehended. For Mr. Corbett sea-power is the supreme 
fact, and sea-power in the Mediterranean is the supremest of all facts. 
Consequently in his opinion England should have endeavored to be a 
Mediterranean power long before she became one. As a corollary, all 
English politicians who regarded the Mediterranean as a fit field for 
English action were great statesmen ; all who did not so regard it were 

Corbett : England in the Mediterranean 165 

purblind creatures. In other words, he regards the entire past as having 
existed merely to create the society in which we live, as if this society 
were the last word to be spoken throughout all the ages. Whereas, if 
anything is certain, it is that the present condition of affairs, like all 
precedent conditions, is but a transition to another in which perhaps the 
Mediterranean policy of England will be as bitterly condemned by some 
future historian with a tendency as it is now lauded by Mr. Corbett. The 
statesmen of 300 years ago are not to be judged by the policies and ideas 
which prevail to-day. Statesmen ought to work for their day and not for 
any remote future, and historians ought to write for all time and not for 
any immediate present. 

Another grievous shortcoming is the writer's insistence that, " as a 
rule, what did not happen is at least as important as what did". In 
what sense this is true it would be difficult to determine. It is certainly 
logical, however, if one holds the doctrine, to infer from it that its 
neglect has led to the ignoring of "the sweeping change in the Euro- 
pean system which accompanied the appearance of Great Britain in the 
Mediterranean". The last sentence furnishes the clue to another vital 
error into which the writer constantly falls — -a vulgar error of logical 
method, which consists in supposing that because two things occur in 
conjunction, therefore one occurs because of the other. It may be that 
England's appearance in the Mediterranean was accompanied by great 
changes in the European system, but the presumption that the appear- 
ance of England in the Mediterranean was the cause of these changes is 

Finally, though Mr. Corbett has written several books, he is not a 
historian. He takes history seriously and he delves in the records, but 
he has little conception of what the writing of history really demands. 
It is not enough "to scorn delights and live laborious days" — one 
must also know what is the exact bearing of evidence in a given case, 
and in how far he can trust his authorities. That the writer has not a 
conception of these demands upon the historian it would be unjust to 
assert, but his use of his material is not scholarly. He gives references 
only semi-occasionally ; his authorities do not always bear him out in his 
conclusions, and he does not weigh the evidence with anything like the 
skill, accuracy, and judgment demanded of a historian. 

These general criticisms admit of constant proof throughout the 
work. Thus he takes Pepys's assertions when they are to his taste and 
rejects them when they are not, as in the case of Tangier, which Pepys 
rightly held to be untenable. His remarks on Captain Mainwaring are 
confused and are not supported by at least one of the authorities he 
quotes. The early Stuart period was a "colourless waste", in which 
only one naval expedition of any consequence was despatched. This 
was a "contemptible failure" in its declared object but it had an unde- 
clared object "which gave the keynote of the century" (I, 3-4). It 
was the occasion on which " the navy of England first appeared in the 
Mediterranean ". To assert that Cecil's expedition gave any such key- 

1 66 Reviews of Books 

note ; that it had any influence in bringing England permanently into 
the Mediterranean ; that it led any one anywhere at any time to regard 
the Mediterranean as a fit field for English naval enterprise is to assert 
what has no basis in fact. Again, the pirate Ward is held up to admira- 
tion because in his piratical excursions into the Mediterranean he was 
instrumental in causing the despatch of a Spanish fleet of "broadside 
ships " for the first time into that sea. This " marks a turning-point in 
naval history" (I, 16). Moreover, Ward by his acts in the Mediter- 
ranean begins the work which William III and Marlborough complete. 
It seems incredible that any one can believe that, without Ward, broad- 
side ships would not have been used by Spain in the Mediterranean about 
the time when they were, or that Ward can in any sense be regarded as 
the originator of the work completed by Marlborough. Another pirate, 
Sir Walter Raleigh, is equally lauded, but with quite as little reason. 
Corbett admits that Raleigh was a pirate, but piracy was not then dis- 
creditable, "no more to be reprehended than is a secret treaty now " 
(I, 41). Such assertions are often met with, but they are false. Piracy 
was regarded as discreditable even in the age of Elizabeth. Raleigh, 
Corbett admits, was anxious to break the peace with Spain, and this was 
laudable because " it was the Reformation and the freedom of the New 
World that were at stake" (I, 42). This assertion is almost grotesque, 
for " the Reformation and the freedom of the New World " in no way 
depended upon a war between England and Spain at that moment. 
This is evident, because there was no war, and yet "the Reformation 
and the freedom of the New World" survived. It is impossible more- 
over to see how Raleigh had anything to do with the Mediterranean. It 
is true that Gondomar feared that Raleigh had designs upon that sea, but 
no such designs were actually held, so far as known. Mr. Corbett sup- 
poses that Gondomar's fear influenced Spanish naval policy materially, 
but there is no evidence of this. 

Another epoch-making event is the permission given by King James 
to the Venetians in 1618 to hire a dozen English merchant-ships to 
assist their navy in the Adriatic. These ships were never secured, and 
King James gave a similar permission to the Spaniards. Yet Mr. Corbett 
holds that the Venetian attempt to hire ships led to the failure of Osuna 
to assist the so-called "Spanish Conspiracy" in Venice. Why? 
Because the Venetians attempted to hire the ships and the plot failed, 
failed because Osuna could not assist because the Spanish government 
was afraid of the English ships which never came. What makes this 
concatenation of causes and effects still more wonderful is that Mr. Cor- 
bett produces no evidence to show that Osuna was in any way connected 
with the plot, if there was a plot. All is assumption. Tremendous as 
was the immediate result of this small event, its real significance was yet 
more so, for " to all the strange aspects of that famous plot we must add 
one more, and see in it the first occasion on which England by her new 
sea power laid a mastering hand upon the old centres of dominion and 
had dimly revealed to her her most potent line of political action" 

Corbett : England in the Mediterranean 167 

(I, 65). Naturally, since the premises are pure guesswork, the conclu- 
sion is pure nonsense, and one is not surprised on turning the page to 
find the author admitting that " at first sight it may appear that too much 
importance has been attached" to this episode. To this all may agree, 
especially when it is recalled that while the English ships stayed at home, 
the Dutch hired a dozen vessels to the Venetians. The uninitiated would 
suppose that credit, if due, is due the Dutch. Mr. Corbett evidently 
suspects it, for in combating the view he declares that it' is "probable 
that the moral effect of the English demonstration had at least as much 
weight with the Mediterranean powers as the actual force exhibited by 
the Dutch" (I, 67-68). After the sentence quoted above about Eng- 
land's "new sea power" this is indeed "a lame and impotent conclu- 
sion ", but the case can be paralleled over and over again in Mr. Cor- 
bett's work. The tremendous importance of an event or of a no-event 
is insisted upon, and then the reader finds embedded somewhere a dozen 
pages further along a second conclusion garnished with " ifs and ans ", 
"sage provisos, sub-intents and saving clauses ". 

In 16 18 the English prepared a squadron to enter the Mediterranean 
and attack the pirates there. What became of this squadron Mr. Cor- 
bett does not know. It does not appear to have gone anywhere or 
to have done anything, although two Dutch squadrons entered the Medi- 
terranean about this time, and engaged and defeated a Spanish force. 
Conclusion : "the naval intervention of England and her ally in the 
Mediterranean had been a complete success " (I, 88). In 1621 Mansell 
enters the Mediterranean and fails in an attack upon Algiers. Conclu- 
sion : "the lesson was never forgotten, either at home or abroad ; nor 
from that time forth did the potentiality of English action in the 
Mediterranean ever cease to be a factor in European diplomacy" (I, 
133). In 1624 Richelieu requests James I to assist France with a fleet 
in the Mediterranean. This is " nothing else than an invitation from 
France to England that she should assert her yet unmeasured influence on 
continental policy by naval operations in the Mediterranean", and 
Richelieu, if he possessed prophetic vision, "must have lain uneasy the 
night he let the proposal go" (I, 138). Undoubtedly, although the 
ships "were to sail under the French flag, and to be in all respects a 
French force ". The expedition never sailed, but it deserves mention, 
presumably because "as a rule, what does not happen is at least as im- 
portant as what does ". 

These examples well illustrate the writer's fitness for his task, in so 
far at least as his work relates to the first half of the seventeenth century. 
Everywhere he is incoherent, self-contradictory ; everywhere he empha- 
sizes unimportant men and still more unimportant events ; everywhere 
he sees the finger of destiny whenever the Mediterranean is mentioned 
by an Englishman. The work improves, however, as the writer comes 
down toward the close of the century. The treatment of Cromwell's 
operations in the Mediterranean is good ; the story of Tangier is well told, 
although the author naturally overrates the importance of that posses- 

1 68 Reviews of Books 

sion. The truth is that Tangier was not, on his own showing, worth the 
keeping. The naval strategy of William III and of Marlborough is justly 
appreciated and clearly expounded ; the real bearing of the Spanish suc- 
cession question for England is recognized, while the story of the capture 
of Gibraltar is excellently told. The reason for this improvement in the 
writer's work is clear. He has reached a period in which England actu- 
ally had a Mediterranean policy, and in which her acts in the Mediterra- 
nean actually had a significance for the future. He has also reached a 
period in which he no longer needs to trust to conjecture, but can build 
upon admitted facts. R. C. H. Catterall. 

The Philippine Islands, I-/.93—1898. Edited by Emma Helen 

Blair and James A. Robertson. Vol. XIV, 1605-1609. 

Vol. XV, 1609. (Cleveland : The Arthur H. Clark Company. 

1904. Pp. 341, 331.) 

We get, in Volume XIV, echoes of the strife between Archbishop 
Benavides and Governor-General Acuna, related also with the Chinese 
disturbances and the massacre of some 15,000 to 18,000 Chinese in 
Luzon in 1603. In consequence of this massacre and of the failure of 
the Spaniards to restore all the confiscated property of Chinese, a viceroy 
of China threatens in 1605 to come to Manila with a thousand junks and 
sweep the Spaniards out of the Orient. To his boast that his king governs 
all the land on which the moon and sun shine, Acuna answers that 

the Spaniards have measured by palmos, and that very exactly, all 
the countries belonging to all the kings and lordships in the world. Since 
the Chinese have no commerce with foreign nations, it seems to them 
that there is no other country but their own, and that there is no higher 
greatness than theirs ; but if he knew the power of some of the kings with 
whom my sovereign, the king of the Hespanas, carries on continual war, 
the whole of China would seem to him very small (p. 46). 

We get also some hints in this volume of the Spanish efforts for the 
conversion of the Japanese, and some indications of why they failed, both 
in religious and commercial undertakings, in Japan. It is interesting to 
find the Council of the Indies saying in 1607 (p. 229) : "It is well to 
keep the king of Japon friendly. . . . For if he were not so he would be 
the greatest enemy that could be feared, on account of the number and 
size of his realms, and the valor of the people therein, who are, beyond 
comparison, the bravest in all India." 

Perhaps the most interesting of the documents presented in this vol- 
ume (which are drawn mainly from the Seville archives, with a few also 
from the British Museum, the Simancas archives, the Royal Academy of 
History at Madrid, and the National Historical Archives at Madrid) is 
the account of the various expeditions in 1591 and 1607-1608 to Tuy, 
land of the head-hunters of Northern Luzon, through the very regions 
which a recent " explorer ", A. H. Savage Landor, has described as if he 
were the first white man to see them. The editors' note about the Igor- 

Blair and Robertson : Philippine Islands, i -{93-1898 169 

rotes (p. 302) contains some errors (drawn from Blumentritt and such 
careless writers as Foreman and Sawyer) which show the present unsatis- 
factory state of knowledge about Philippine ethnology. 

Of great value also is the document drawn up in 1608 showing the 
annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine government, revealing 
a total expenditure of 255,000 pesos, leaving a deficit of 135,000 pesos. 
This was covered apparently by the annual remittances (later known as 
situados) from the treasury of the viceroyalty of New Spain (Mexico). 
A note on page 247 recites Professor E. G. Bourne's statement (in the 
introduction to this series) that the annual deficit of the Philippines, as 
of other Spanish colonies, was made up by the treasury of Mexico ; but 
the statement of the English traveler Bowring (1859) is also given, to the 
effect that the Philippines generally made annual contributions to Spain 
in excess of the situados. The same matter is more fully explained in 
Felipe Govantes's Compendio de la Historia de Filipinas (Manila, 1877), 
appendix 23, where it is stated that the export dues on goods sent from 
Manila to Spain (through America) were collected at Acapulco, and 
turned into the treasury of Mexico, which in turn supplied that of Manila 
with the amount necessary to make up its annual "deficit ". (See T. 
H. Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca Filipina, 193.) Before accepting the 
figures given by Humboldt, who did not take into account the curious 
Spanish restrictions on the commerce of her American and Philippine 
colonies, it is necessary to have the data regarding the Philippine trade 
and the duties collected on it. It was thus that Roscher was led astray in 
his Kolonien, Kolo?iialpolitik und Auswandennig, the chapter of which on 
the Spanish colonial system has recently been published by Professor 
Bourne, who seems to have followed Roscher in this matter of colonial 
revenues. The whole question will bear careful investigation, but the 
never exact system of Spanish accounts renders precision in this respect 
difficult. After Mexico became independent and direct intercourse 
between Spain and the Philippines was established, the latter colony fur- 
nished the mother-country, during some years at least, with a surplus. 
It is also to be taken into account that the goods of Spain had free entry 
into the islands. 

This very volume produces (p. 216) the following argument in the 
Spanish Council of State, the question being the restriction or abolition 
of Philipine trade with China and with Mexico: "The preservation of 
the Indias consisted in this, that, through their need of articles which are 
not produced there, they always depend upon this country [Spain] ; and 
it would be the means of losing them if their wants could be supplied 

Volume XV is nearly all taken up by seven of the eight chapters of 
Doctor Antonio de Morga.' s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (Mexico, 1609), 
the most valuable of the early sources on Philippine history and the customs 
of the natives. Chapter vin, which will be reproduced in the succeeding 
volume, is of the greatest interest, because of its observations upon the 
natives' laws and customs, their conversion, etc. These seven chapters 

1 70 Reviews of Books 

contain the Philippine history from 1565 to 1603, producing entire many 
documents of interest covering the years of de Morga's official service in 
the islands. The editors have used the copy belonging to Harvard Uni- 
versity, and have drawn freely on the annotations of Jose Rizal in the 
Paris reprint of 1890, also to some extent on those of Henry E. J. 
Stanley's English translation (London, 1868). They append also sum- 
maries of Thomas Candish's expedition and of early Dutch voyages to 
the East Indies. These volumes contain some interesting reproductions 
of early Dutch prints of vessels and of the port of Acapulco. 

James A. Le Roy. 

Two Centuries of Costume in America. By Alice Morse Earle. 
(New York : The Macmillan Company. 1903. Two vols., pp. 
xx, 388; xxiii, 389-824.) 

However eager one is to come into Alice Morse Earle' s kingdom of 
colonial daily life lore as a visitor, critics might well be loath to come if 
experience had not shown that much of their criticism is likely to be 
favorable. In her studies of colonial institutions, whether of homes, 
taverns, gardens, amusements, or dress, Mrs. Earle has brought many 
byways into the view of students of American history. If any warrant 
for such a work as this must be produced before a testy historian will 
deign to examine its pages or attest its value, Mrs. Earle has been fore- 
handed enough to supply it in her quotations from letters, orders, and 
diaries of men like Governor John Winthrop and George Washington, 
who are shown to have considered no detail of dress too trival for atten- 
tion. Both of these men 'gave abundant evidence that they agreed with 
Pepys's entry in his diary: "For Clothes I perceive more and more 
every day is a great matter ". Mrs. Earle has, however, realized relative 
values and kept the perspective true, and has comprehended how much 
knowledge of contemporary general history is required to understand the 
details of the dress of one locality or age. This gives dignity to the 
work, which can be stamped as a worthy piece of historical research. 
By mentioning frequently her great-great-grandmother or great-aunts as 
owning the articles of dress she describes, Mrs. Earle has added personal 
interest without making the book degenerate into a glorification of her 
ancestors. And though we can read a romance between the lines here 
and there, fully conscious that she has felt it too, the printed text is a 
thoroughly reliable piece of historical work. 

A list of the possible and probable uses of this book includes the 
study not only of the history but of the literature and art of the seven- 
teenth and eighteenth centuries. Its use will be as a handbook or 
dictionary, helping the student in the interpretation of details. Of 
course novelists and poets could not give in their narrative or verse the 
details which on second thoughts the reader wants to know. Scott never 
clogged his novels with foot-notes. In his Woodstock, the vivid picture 
of the seventeenth-century Commonwealth affairs, where parsons in blue 

Earle : Two Centuries of Costume in America i 7 1 

Geneva cloaks and Cavaliers in love-locks and slashed doublets pass 
before our eyes, we find ourselves unaccustomed to their attire. We 
wonder just how a black velvet doublet pinked over scarlet satin would 
look. We wish we could see the shape of hat on which a golden clasp 
and feather were worn. Until Mrs. Earle' s book appeared I had never 
been sure whether Scott's heroes were dressed in fanciful, fancy, or 
ordinary costumes ; now I know that Scott described just such costumes as 
were actually worn. Before a Van Dyke or a Copley portrait one raises 
questions which this book can happily satisfy, enabling a person to tell 
another about the details by supplying a suitable vocabulary. 

The volume will also be of service in correcting misconceptions as 
important in their results as they are frequent and wide-spread. Writers 
of so-called historical novels must be careful of their robing-rooms after 
this. It will not do to confuse costumes of different centuries and make 
impossible mixtures of whisks and ruffs. Neither Puritans nor Quakers 
have always been soberly or meanly clad. Puritans thought much of 
clothes, of fineries, of styles. Their dress was not dull, drab-colored. 
" Sad-colors " included browns, russet, purple, and orange. If Winthrop 
ordered a "sad colored" gown for his wife, it was likely to be of rich 
purple brocade. Other colors known as " grain colors " included scarlet, 
which was very much worn throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries by all classes and by such quiet-demeanored persons as Judge 
Curwen of Salem and Elizabeth Fry and her six sisters in their early 

Mrs. Earle finds good authority for saying that the dress of the 
Puritans and Cavaliers differed little in quality, quantity, cost, or form. 
The rich and the poor of each party, however, dressed very differently, 
and both Hogarth and Van Dyke were true to what they saw. Poor 
martyrs and royal courtiers differed in appearance and dress not because 
they were Roundheads or Cavaliers but because of their different stations 
in life and size of purse. In short, station or rank was marked in the 
seventeenth century, not only in England but in America, by dress. 
Governor Winthrop was perfectly consistent in his theory of dressing 
richly while he advised the General Court of Massachusetts to pass sump- 
tuary laws forbidding people to buy " slashed clothes " or silver hatbands. 
Not dress but excess in dress was aimed at in all sumptuary laws in the 
colonies as in England and France. And with the Quakers until the 
close of the eighteenth century, when Elizabeth Fry set a style generally 
adopted, it was extravagance in jewels and fashions rather than richness 
of material or brightness of color that was frowned upon. 

Any change made in New England was caused by a similar change 
of style in England, and not because of a pioneer life environment here. 
A Virginia gentleman and his wife were apt to be models of fashion whom 
a London lord and lady might safely follow. Styles for them both came 
from France via London generally, although the fashion dolls or midgets 
were sometimes sent direct to America. 

The volumes contain scores of interesting facts. The influence of 

i 7 2 Reviews of Books 

painters like Van Dyke in the seventeenth and Copley in the eighteenth 
century made fashions more beautiful for both men and women. Cer- 
tainly artistic sense was necessary to restrain the excessive and oftentimes 
grotesque fashions, to lower pompadours, and to laugh to scorn the dress 
of beribboned and belaced gentlemen. Both men and women were 
weirdly frivolous then. At least one colonial dame profited by a man's 
nice discrimination and knowledge of fashion. Through the correspond- 
ence of Madame Rebekah Symonds of Ipswich in Massachusetts and her 
son, John Hall of London, we have a wonderfully interesting source of 
information about fashions. When his mother sent for fan or cloak, he 
always knew just what to choose, telling her gently but firmly if what she 
requested was out of style or undesirable for a woman in her station in life. 
There were husbands who rivaled their wives in fine clothes and vanity. 
Endymion Porter wore his wife's diamond necklace on his hat while he 
was in Spain. One husband picked (ripped) the lace off his wife's old 
gown to put on his own new costume. 

If one makes a few unfavorable criticisms, they will be these. The 
proportions seem to be lost in discussing Elizabeth's character so fully in 
connection with Raleigh's dress (p. 21) and, again, in giving the details 
of Mary Musgrove's life, which seem irrelevant in the chapter " Attire of 
Virginia Dames and their Neighbors " (p. 131). The title " The Pro- 
vincial Governors" does not seem quite appropriate for the chapter so- 
called, since the subject-matter does not justify it. One wishes that the 
last sentence, giving the Indian anecdote (p. 193), had been omitted, 
since the unity of time suffers by its presence. 

Favorable criticism is constant and definite while one reads these two 
volumes. The sense of accuracy, the generally good proportions, the 
frequent reference to source-material on the one hand, an easy, happy 
style of writing on the other, make this study of colonial costume a 
pleasant byway to wander in. Since the book is evidently meant for both 
the general reader and the student of history, the latter suffers most, 
perhaps, from the lack of such definitely tabulated references as Weeden 
and Bruce have given in their histories of social and economic conditions 
in colonial times. 

Blanche Evans Hazard. 

New HampsJiirc : an Epitome of Popular Government. By Frank 
B. Sanborn. [American Commonwealths.] (Boston and New 
York: Houghton, Mifflin, and Company. 1904. Pp. xi, 354.) 

New Hampshire, the second English colony on the New England 
coast and one of the original thirteen states, has at length been accorded 
recognition in the "Commonwealths Series" of histories. The work 
was committed to Frank B. Sanborn, one of the multitude of the loyal 
natives of the state loaned to Massachusetts, well known as an anti- 
slavery agitator, a reformer in the department of public charities and 
corrections, an exponent of the Concord school of philosophy, and a 

Sanborn: New Hampshire 173 

vigorous and versatile writer in history, biography, and a wide range of 
other subjects of present interest. Mr. Sanborn has always been speci- 
ally interested in the early annals of New Hampshire. The present 
work is characterized by excellent judgment in the apportionment of 
space to the several epochs which are necessarily the subjects of his 

Two controlling elements run through the entire course of events in 
the colony and province. These are the Masonian contest between the 
inhabitants and the proprietors of the soil and the related controversy 
over the Massachusetts boundary line. The philosophy of the real his- 
tory of the state and, indeed, the causes for the separate existence of the 
colony are to be apprehended only by a recognition of these two con- 
spicuous and far-reaching influences as the dominant factors in the ma- 
terial and political development of the province. The events of the 
first or ante-Revolutionary period are treated by this author in the light 
of painstaking original research. The accessions that have been made 
in recent years to the available original documents relative to the colo- 
nial period have been utilized to good purpose. The text incidentally 
discloses Mr. Sanborn's conviction that Puritan politics and Puritan laws 
were as bad as Puritan theology. In this regard his argument is more 
in conformity with the attitude of Chalmers, Peter Oliver, Brooks Adams, 
John S. Jenness, and Charles W. Tuttle than with that of Belknap, 
Palfrey, Dr. Ellis, and Dr. Dexter. Mr. Sanborn develops the workings 
of Puritan influence in New Hampshire through the political union and 
by reason of kindred interests of the people of the two colonies. The 
authorities are judiciously selected and well digested. Those that were 
not accessible to Dr. Belknap, the first and still the most authoritative 
historian of the province period, are made to serve their appropriate 
corrective and illustrative uses. 

Mr. Sanborn's treatment of events since the Revolution is as well pro- 
portioned as is that devoted to the earlier period, but there are indica- 
tions of less painstaking care in verification of statements as to facts and 
incidents in the careers of public men of the state and in local concerns 
and episodes, which will be readily noted by actual residents who are 
more intimately identified with the state's politics and other interests by 
actual participation in them or by investigation as specialists in its local 
and internal history. It will doubtless move Mr. Sanborn's own lively 
sense of humor to find that his narrative names the "Poor Richard" as 
the antagonist of the Serapis in Paul Jones's historic sea-fight (p. 215). 

The style of the work is graphic and stimulating. It is pervaded by 
enough of the controversial method to cause readers to take issue with 
the author or with each other at many points. It will afford critical 
students of American history a better perspective as to the relations of 
New Hampshire with the foundations of the main body of that history ; 
it will be recognized as an important contribution to the discussion of a 
great number of the most important questions that have been hitherto 
regarded as unsettled ; and it will compel a revision of established opin- 

1 74 Reviews of Books 

ion at many points where the author has brought the search-light of 
modern critical research and analysis to bear upon his subject. 

North Carolina, a Study in English Colonial Government. By 
Charles Lee Raper, Ph.D. (New York : The Macmillan 
Company. 1904. Pp. xiii, 260.) 

Mr. Raper's monograph belongs with Smith's South Carolina and 
Mereness's Maryland in the succession of useful studies in colonial 
administration for which we are indebted not only to their authors but 
to the scholarly suggestion and guidance of Professor Osgood. Owing 
to the comparative fullness of documentary material in the North Caro- 
lina Colonial Records, Mr. Raper has been able more largely than his 
predecessors to build up his narrative from printed documents, though 
some manuscript material has been used, chiefly in the chapter on " The 
Territorial System and Administration". Like Mr. Smith's volume on 
South Carolina, this book is limited mainly to a study of the royal prov- 
ince, its organization and practical operation. Local administration is 
hardly touched, and the relations of church and state are passed over 
with a few references to controversies during the proprietary period. 
The disadvantages of too close a limitation of the field are perhaps most 
apparent in the closing chapter, on " The Downfall of the Royal Govern- 
ment". There is much about the governor who defended the interests 
of his superiors at home, but the Revolutionary party with its leaders 
appears only in the most shadowy fashion. 

After the brief introduction on the proprietary government there is 
a group of three chapters on the governor, the council, and the town 
house of the assembly. The organization and general functions of these 
organs of the central government are here described, and some attention 
is given to the personal element. Thus in the chapter on "The Gover- 
nor Under the Crown", the administration of each governor is briefly 
sketched with some estimate of his character and official success. The 
royal governors are said, on the whole, "to make a good showing", 
though "agents of an inefficient system". The council "was in the 
main a body composed of men of ability, intelligence and honesty". 
This rather favorable judgment is somewhat weakened by the statement 
in a later passage (p. 167), that there was a "condition of inefficiency, 
and even chaos, in the executive, legislative and judicial departments ", 
due partly to " lack of intelligence on the part of the crown ", but also 
"to a lack of intelligence, industry and character on the part of the 
crown officials in the province " and "a lack of intelligence and energy 
on the part of the representatives of the colonists ". On the eve of the 
Revolution, the councilors seem to have been, more largely than those of 
South Carolina, representative colonists and disposed to sympathize with 
the popular movement. 

The next four chapters describe four special departments of adminis- 
tration, the territorial, fiscal, judicial, and military systems, respectively. 
The main principles of the land-system were laid down in the proprietary 

Cooper: James Oglethorpe 175 

period, partly by the proprietors and partly by the provincial assembly. 
They continued, however, to be an important subject of controversy 
during the period of royal government. The author notes the tendency 
to smaller grants than those of Virginia or South Carolina and gives a 
good account of the embarrassment resulting from Carteret's retention of 
his proprietary rights in the northern part of the province. The chapter 
on the fiscal system is largely taken up with an interesting review of 
paper-money legislation, but is not on the whole so satisfactory as the cor- 
responding chapter in Smith's South Carolina. In describing the courts of 
justice, the author seems (p. 151) to have confused the court of chancery 
with the appellate jurisdiction of the governor and council in civil cases. 

This review of special departments of administrations is followed by 
a chapter entitled "The Conflicts Between the Executive and the Lower 
House Under the Crown". The chief controversies between them are 
described, but there is not quite the thorough discussion of principles, of 
political relations and tendencies, which one might expect under such a 
title. Something of this is supplied in the closing chapter, on "The 
Downfall of the Royal Government", which is, however, in this as in 
another respect already noted, somewhat disappointing. 

From the point of view of literary, or what may perhaps be called 
historical construction, this book leaves much to be desired. Thus the 
chapter on the governor consists in substance of a summary of the com- 
missions and instructions somewhat mechanically united with a series of 
sketches of administrations. The grouping of topics in chapters has been 
such as to produce an unnecessary amount of duplication. This is illus- 
trated by the three accounts (pp. 157-159, 210-214, 241-245) of 
Governor Martin's controversy with the lower house about superior 
courts. The affair of the " regulators " is referred to in various places, 
but there is no one thoroughgoing discussion of it. In matters of detail 
also the book would have profited by thorough literary revision. There 
are a good many sentences which fail to give a clean-cut impression and 
there is some infelicitous use of words. Such an expression, for example, 
as "the said bill " seems out of place outside of a legal document. 

The index does not seem to have been intelligently constructed. Its 
shortcomings may be illustrated by a single instance. Under the word 
Crown, without any subheads, about half the pages in the book are cited. 
Other heads similarly treated are Assembly and England. Notwithstand- 
ing its defects, which are largely those of the typical doctoral dissertation, 
the book was worth writing. It is the result of serious and for the most 
part accurate research and will be of real value to students of colonial 
hist0I 7- Evarts B. Greene. 

James Oglethorpe, the Founder of Georgia. By Harriet C. 

Cooper. [Historic Lives Series.] (New York : D. Appleton 

and Company. 1904. Pp. xii, 217.) 

This little volume bears dedication "to the children of Georgia"; 
and is written, the preface states, "in the hope of familiarizing the youth 

i 7 6 Reviews of Books 

of the State" with Oglethorpe's "life, his achievements, and his char- 
acter". Following the most available information, and chiefly Colonel 
C. C. Jones's excellent History of Georgia, Miss Cooper has succeeded in 
evolving a bright, entertaining, sympathetic, if rather breezily written 
volume, that ought to fulfill the purpose of its existence. 

The title is somewhat misleading. The book is less a life of Ogle- 
thorpe than a history of the settlement of Georgia. Fewer than a score 
of pages are devoted to the eighty-five years of Oglethorpe's extra-colonial 
life, and nearly two hundred to the eleven years so heroically dedicated 
to the infant colony. This is not unnatural in view of the especial his- 
toric importance of his colonial experiences, and the difficulty of finding 
material for the other periods of his life ; but one longs for the biogra- 
pher who will make us familiar with the stirring days of campaigning 
under Eugene of Savoy — the formative period of Oglethorpe's soldierly 
character, and who will bring to light the interesting facts that must 
survive of a long life in England that was not without distinction. 

Perhaps a certain latitude is permissible in a popular treatise addressed 
to youthful readers, but there is a general impression of carelessness of 
statement. Minor evidences of inaccuracy may be mentioned as noted 
at random : The date of Oglethorpe's birth is positively given, as if 
undisputed. One could rise from perusal of the volume without an ink- 
ling of the fact that the hero was possessed of a middle name. The too 
frequent blunder of American writers, " Lady Eleanor ", is found for 
"Eleanor, Lady Oglethorpe ". The South Carolinians, while coming 
in for their full share of blame in connection with the Spanish War, are 
given scant credit for their generous and really substantial assistance 
during the earlier days of the colony. It is stated (p. 22 j that the 
colonists first landed at Savannah on the last day of January, 1732. The 
date of the first arrival of the founders of a new colony upon its soil is 
usually considered of some importance, and the state of Georgia has seen 
fit to commemorate this especial event by a public holiday, which is 
celebrated on February 12. The children of Georgia to whom the vol- 
ume is dedicated may find here a puzzling discrepancy. As a matter of 
fact the author has fallen into a double error. Colonel Jones, who is 
evidently followed, says the colonists left Beaufort on January 30, were 
delayed overnight, and on the next day (meaning February 1) reached 
their destination. But Colonel Jones's chronology follows the old style, 
allowance for which will " give us our eleven days ". 

In the prevalent conception of Oglethorpe, his philanthropy and 
general mild benevolence are so emphasized as to overshadow the rest of 
his personality, and one is apt to think of him vaguely as otherwise rather 
insipid and something of a prig. To such an impression the pages of the 
author will prove a wholesome corrective. Miss Cooper by a happy 
selection of incidents brings into due prominence the various aspects of 
this striking character. We see him, full of fire and energy, the life and 
soul of the colony. When danger threatens from the Indians, his intre- 
pidity is equal to a journey, almost alone, of two hundred miles into the 

Hap good : George Washington 177 

heart of their territory. His impressive bearing gives him complete 
ascendancy over the minds of the savage warriors. The still more for- 
midable hostility of Spain he meets with a courage and generalship that 
prove the salvation of the colony. 

The interesting facts of this period of Georgia's history are to a large 
extent inaccessible to the general reader. In presenting them in a con- 
venient and readable form the author has rendered a distinct service. 

J. H. T. McPherson. 

George Washington. By Norman Hapgood. (New York : The 

Macmillan Company. 1901. Pp. xi, 419.) 

It is not difficult to explain why Washington should be such a favorite 
in biography, for the story of his career lends itself to picturesque devel- 
opment. The young surveyor and provincial soldier ; the Virginia 
planter and burgess ; the commander-in-chief of the Continental army ; 
the center of the federal movement ; and the first President — here is 
material suited to every taste. The difficulty in treating his life is found 
in the apparent contradiction between a rather commonplace man in 
characteristics and conditions which are royal in their splendid oppor- 
tunities. It is not easy to reconcile the farmer counting every penny of 
expense with the man who bore the weight of the military operations of 
the Revolution, and the more delicate task of superintending the first 
years of a national administration which rested upon a compromise and 
was adopted by only a very small majority. 

Mr. Hapgood has produced a book that meets the difficulties of the 
subject with success. He is no worshiper of the man, yet recognizes his 
many high qualities ; nor is he depreciatory of the unheroic elements 
that cannot but make an impression upon all who study the private life 
of any great man. He holds an even balance and has written an orderly, 
judicious, and readable account of the leading phases of Washington's 
career. He is unsympathetic at times, and, as in the treatment of slaves, 
is inclined to be unfair to Washington. No one but a Virginian, or one 
steeped in the colonial history of Virginia, is able to enter into the plan- 
tation life of that great day. Costly and wasteful as it was under any 
conditions, it was peculiarly difficult to Washington, who knew well that 
there was a better system and one almost within his reach. His impatient 
efforts to improve his holdings out of the existing methods were ham- 
pered by the dead weight of slavery, and he pressed upon overseer and 
slave in the hope of obtaining better results. Nor is Mr. Hapgood just 
to John Adams, when describ'ng the Conway Cabal. Adams had good 
reasons for his position, which never reached one of hostility to Wash- 
ington. Mr. Hapgood also, it seems to me, trusts too implicitly the bab- 
bling Custis, for extracts are taken from his Recollections apparently with 
full confidence in their truth. As a fact Custis is a most uncertain guide 
except where he gives documentary proof of his stories. This readiness 
to accept the relation of others leads Mr. Hapgood to repeat the error 

AM. HIST. REN., VOL. X. — 12. 

i j 8 Reviews of Books 

that Washington received the sword of Cornwallis in the surrender at 
Yorktown, even describing the horse on which he sat at the time. The 
letter of Franklin to Strahan is also taken seriously, although it has 
come to be looked upon as one of the philosopher's jokes. Was it Am- 
herst who boasted at the outbreak of the Revolution that with five thou- 
sond English regulars he would engage to march from one end of the 
continent of North America to the other? It sounds more like the brag- 
gart Grant, to whom the saying is generally attributed. Washington is 
made to attend the Virginia convention on the Constitution — which he 
never entered; and Hamilton is held up to view for using, on a larger 
scale than it had ever reached before, the barter system in Congress to attain 
his ends, although the history of the Continental Congress from 1777 
had been little else than such bargains. The deafness of Washington is 
said to have been "growing" on him in 1780, certainly too early a 
period for its appearance. A touch of journalism will account for the 
reference to a modern naval hero, and for the curious error of making 
Roger Wolcott Secretary of the Treasury. 

Such slips of pen and memory do not affect the general tone of the 
book, which is wholesome and appreciative. " No figure in modern his- 
tory compares with him as an influence toward public conscience." 
" Without great events Washington would not have been famous, and, on 
the other hand, he made events great by his ability in meeting them." 
" He made enemies in his life, but he left none at his death." The 
number of such sentences could be multipled, and would only show how 
well Mr. Hapgood had read the character of Washington and measured 
its greatness as well as its weakness. There is no attempt to picture his 
family connection as unusual, or to represent his mother as a grand 
matron of heroic proportions. Mrs. Washington, his wife, is not raised 
above the mediocrity where she belongs, nor are superhuman gifts ascribed 
to her. Due credit is given to the men whom Washington called around 
him, and of whose abilities he had a fine discrimination. The story is 
told evenly and, as a whole, with good taste and judgment. 


The Acquisition of Political, Social, and Industrial Rights of Man in 
America. By John Bach McMaster. (Cleveland : Cleveland 
Printing and Publishing Company. 1903. Pp. 123.) 

This little volume of about 120 pages consists of three lectures de- 
livered at Western Reserve University in the spring of 1903, under the 
auspices of the Western Reserve Chapter of the Daughters of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. The author's purpose seems to be to trace the growth 
of the rights of man in American history from the Congress of 1774 down 
to the middle of the nineteenth century. The treatment from beginning 
to end is clear and concrete, because the various " rights of man " are 
traced in their historical settings, instead of being discussed in an ab- 
stract philosophical way. 

McMaster : Rights of Ulan in America 1 79 

The first lecture covers the period of the Revolution down to the 
ratification of the Constitution. The first important topic deals with the 
shifting of the basis of contention between the colonists and England 
from the rights of Englishmen to the rights of man, and the resulting 
Declaration of Independence. The author declares the ground taken by 
the colonists that they could not be taxed by Parliament " had been an- 
swered and fairly well refuted" (p. 12). He does not give the argu- 
ment in refutation nor state by whom the answer was accepted. It was 
not accepted by the Whigs in America nor by the " Pitt Whigs" in 
England. It can be truly said that scores of moderate Tories in America 
preferred to rest their contention on the old ground rather than shift to 
the new. After enumerating the rights of man as expressed in the De- 
claration of Independence, it is refreshing to read : 

It has become the custom in our time to decry these statements as 
glittering generalities. They are nothing of the kind. You may dissent 
from them, you may pronounce them totally wrong . . . yet these 
principles as laid down in the Declaration of Independence are just as 
truly principles of goverment by the people, as the divine right of kings 
was once the foundation of absolute monarchy (p. 14). 

By comparing the bills of rights in the first state constitutions with 
the actual provisions of these constitutions, the author shows how wide 
was the gulf between the rights of man in theory and the rights of man 
in practice. He probably widens the Revolutionary conception of the 
natural rights of man when he extends it to include voting and holding 
office. The author is on safer ground in asserting that the Constitutional 
Convention of 1787 took a great step forward in turning over to the 
states the question of suffrage instead of tying it up by some Constitu- 
tional provision. The latter part of this lecture shows how far progress 
in industrial and social rights lagged behind the acquisition of political 
rights, and how the Revolution left untouched the social and industrial 
rights of the laborer, the poor, and the unfortunate. In justification of 
the seeming inconsistency of the Fathers, McMaster declares that they 
were in no sense disorganizers or anarchists, but that they waited for a 
chance to apply the rights of man decently and in order. 

The second lecture is given over, in the main, to marking the prog- 
ress of the new nation in a social and industrial way. The contest 
between the first political parties is looked upon as one between social 
and industrial classes. The rates of wages for different sections are 
given, and the effect of the western movement of population on the 
price of labor is noted. The author points out that such trades as were 
organized tried to force wages up by strikes, and appealed to the public 
for sympathy. The agitation against imprisonment for debt, the work 
of the humane societies in calling for the reform of prisons are traced, 
and the beginnings of the movement for manhood suffrage are touched 
in this lecture and completed in the third lecture. In addition, the 
author devotes considerable space in the third lecture to a new movement 

1 80 Reviews of Books 

for the rights of man as represented by Robert Dale Owen and his experi- 
ment in socialism at New Harmony, Indiana. Other kindred movements 
and the establishment of journals devoted to agitation in favor of this, 
that, or the other social or philanthropic movement are noted. The 
book closes with a discussion of the reform movement in Rhode Island, 
led by Dorr, which eventuated in a new constitution, forbidding slavery 
and extending the franchise. 

The one wish the reviewer has in closing this little volume is that it 
could be placed in the hands of every grammar-school and high-school 
teacher of American history. 

Wm. H. Mace. 

Life of General Philip Schuyler, lyjj—iSoj.. By Bayard Tucker- 
man. (New York : Dodd, Mead, and Company. 1903. Pp. 

v, 277.) 

Mr. Tuckerman has succeeded in presenting the case of a much- 
wronged general in an impartial though not uninterested manner. The 
character of Philip Schuyler, hereditary and developed, is admirably 
drawn, and much space is devoted to his environment. The aristocratic 
landholder, who is at the same time pioneer on a rough frontier, is care- 
fully and fully portrayed. The Hudson River manors are described, if 
not with the greatest accuracy of detail, at least with a force that leaves 
a clear impression upon the mind. The superficial aspects, the natural 
beauties of the region, the social life of the people, and the frontier dan- 
gers are treated rather than the more difficult subjects of their political 
and economic organization. Yet Philip Schuyler, and the social system 
of which he was a part, is set forth with no small literary talent. The 
limitations of the man and his ruling principles are so exposed that we 
can fully understand his conduct in the critical periods of his life. 

After what appears to be an impartial examination of the Schuyler- 
Gates controversy, Mr. Tuckerman decides that the former's retirement 
was due to Gates's intrigues, in which the New England prejudice was 
artfully used. He comes to the conclusion (p. 231) that the retirement 
of Schuyler was an excusable error for Congress to make under the cir- 
cumstances ; but that the choice of his successor was a great mistake. In 
support of this view the author points out that Schuyler's military career 
had been characterized by care and good judgment but not by brilliancy; 
that his aristocratic manner, due to the environment in which he was 
born and bred, naturally irritated New-Englanders ; that this dislike was 
intensified by Schuyler's connection with the dispute between New Eng- 
land and New York over the New Hampshire land grants ; and finally 
that the necessary surrender of Ticonderoga, whose value was much over- 
rated in New England, was quite sufficient to poison the minds of the 
Adamses, and other members from their section. Even the efforts of 
Schuyler in behalf of the health of his New England troops was misinter- 
preted, while his efforts to introduce discipline and subordination were 

Tuckerman : Life of Philip Schuyler 181 

sullenly resisted. Schuyler lacked the patience and conciliatory man- 
ner which might have overcome this misunderstanding of him and his 

In the last chapter, a very brief and unsatisfactory treatment of 
Schuyler's political career, we find little that is new. Mr. Tuckerman 
effectually disposes of a slur which Bancroft cast upon Schuyler's esti- 
mate of Clinton as governor. The phrase, " His family and connections 
do not entitle him to so distinguished a predominance", is shown to 
have been taken out of its context and given a false prominence, if not a 
falsemeaning (pp. 251-252). Schuyler did not mean to infer that he 
had no other standard for. public office than aristocratic position, but that 
he feared others might show disfavor for Clinton on that account. Ex- 
cepting this defense, the chapter is weak because of lack of material. 
The intimate correspondence between Hamilton and Schuyler, which 
continued through the critical period of the making of the Constitution 
and the setting up of the new government, was destroyed by a son of one 
of Schuyler's executors. The intimate, unguarded views of Hamilton 
were in these letters, and with them must have perished much valuable 
information upon the history of the Federalist party. 

The account of pre-Revolutionary politics in New York (pp. 75-82) 
contains a number of inaccurate statements of a character which suggest 
that the story is based upon certain general works written before the 
admirable mongraphic treatment recently given that period by Carl 
Becker. In general the setting for the activities of the hero is of less 
value than the matter concerning Schuyler himself. The author has 
studied Schuyler more deeply than the history of the times in which he 

As a piece of literature the book is a success. It is soberly but force- 
fully written, and the proportions are good. The military side of Schuy- 
ler's career is properly emphasized because it was in war and not in poli- 
tics that he attained prominence. Only our interest in the events in 
which Schuyler had a part makes us desire a fuller treatment of his polit- 
ical activities, not because he attained such prominence that his own 
part in the events deserves especial attention. 

The almost curt preface informs us that the memoir is based upon 
General Schuyler's papers and letter-books, on the Gates papers belonging 
to the New York Historical Society, and on the archives of the State De- 
partment in Washington. There is internal evidence of the use of these 
three sources, but the added clause "and on some other collections of 
original historical material ' ' seems a needless mystery to plague us through- 
out 272 pages which are nowhere marred by ugly references. A reviewer is 
given the uncanny feeling that hidden pitfalls are always before him, and 
that all statements not otherwise supported may be buttressed by these 
unknown archives, which perhaps contain proofs that controvert old and 
established opinions or even facts. Reviewing becomes positively haz- 
ardous under such conditions. The index is poor. The volume is very 
attractive both as to the printing and binding. 

C. H. Van Tyne. 

1 82 Reviexvs of Books 

The Life and Times of Thomas Smith (ry^—rSop). By Burton 
Alva Konkle. (Philadelphia: Campion and Company. 1904. 
Pp. xi, 303.) 

Although the period covered by this biography was one of the most 
important and stirring in the political and constitutional history of Penn- 
sylvania, it is only within recent years that it has attracted the especial 
attention of historical students. The most recent of these studies, the 
work under consideration, true to its title presents not only an excellent 
biography of Thomas Smith, but also a careful survey of the political and 
judicial history of Pennsylvania during his times. 

Thomas Smith was born in Scotland, as were several of the friends 
and judicial associates of his adopted land, notably James Wilson, and 
Judges Brackenridge and Addison of the state bench. He was a half- 
brother of William Smith, the distinguished first provost of the University 
of Pennsylvania, then called the College of Philadelphia. In his appre- 
ciative introduction to this volume, Hampton L. Carson truly says, " The 
brothers became in a very real sense, though working in different fields, 
builders of the Commonwealth". Provost Smith, while Thomas was 
still but a lad in Scotland, had become famous on both sides of the 
Atlantic not only by reason of his educational position, but also through 
his political pamphlets, written during the French and Indian War, con- 
demning the rule of the Quakers and their failure to provide for the 
defense of the province. The younger brother came to Pennsylvania in 
1768, and, apparently through the good offices of his influential brother, 
he was soon appointed a deputy surveyor for a district west of the Susque- 
hanna. For five years he continued surveying for the government, mean- 
while studying law and being admitted to practice. He very soon 
" absorbed a large part of the government of Bedford county ", holding 
at one time the office of prothonotary, clerk, recorder, and deputy regis- 
ter, as well as being a member of the bench of judges of this county. 

With the coming on of the Revolution, Smith took an active part on 
the side of the patriots, holding various military and political offices. 
He was a colonel of militia, and deputy quartermaster-general, and suc- 
cessively a member of the provincial assembly, of the convention that 
formed the new state constitution, of the State Assembly (1776-1779), 
and of the Continental Congress (1 780-1 782). Then for nine years he 
practiced his profession and became a leading land lawyer, attending 
more courts than any other lawyer in his state, traveling on horseback 
upwards of three thousand miles annually. In 1791 he was appointed 
president judge of one of the district courts, and three years later was 
promoted to the supreme court, a position which he held until his death 
in 1809. Smith established the reputation of possessing "a larger and 
more accurate knowledge of land law than any of his associates ". 

The chapters covering the years of Smith's political career are the 
most interesting, as Mr. Konkle presents various phases of the prolonged 
contest between the friends and the opponents of the Constitution of 1 7 76, 

■Dodge: Napoleon 183 

Smith being numbered among the latter. The strife between parties be- 
came so intense that politics entered into all the affairs of the day. Of 
the various contemporaries of Smith appearing in these pages — many of 
whom were of national fame — perhaps the most remarkable character 
was George Bryan, one of his political opponents, whose career is most 
sympathetically presented. As the leader of the radical popular party, 
he was the real author and steadfast defender of the Constitution of 1776, 
and largely directed the government under it. He was the first vice- 
president of the state, and later as chairman of twenty-seven out of 
thirty-nine committees of the assembly he presented a most remarkable 
instance of one-man power, more openly exhibited than is the custom of 
the modern political "boss ". Bryan's chief claim for remembrance is 
due to his authorship of the emancipation law of 1780. Shortly after 
its enactment he was unanimously elected to the supreme court, where 
he remained for life. He did not, however, altogether give up his 
activity in politics, and is credited with being the author of the letters 
against the Constitution signed by " Centinel ". 

In addition to the discussion of the political history of the period, 
the work contains a valuable study of the origin and development of "the 
state judiciary, and presents a very realistic picture of Pennsylvania of a 
century and more ago, through its descriptions of the life both on the 
frontier and in the city, and by its characterization of the leading public 
men. These are based chiefly upon contemporary accounts. The work 
is a decided contribution to the history of the period. It might well 
have included a fuller account of the political contests over the College 
and the Bank, and of the work of the Council of Censors, as well as the 
struggle over the adoption of the Federal Constitution. These subjects, 
however, have been in part covered by other writers, and were not inti- 
mately connected with the career of Thomas Smith. The only error 
noted is the statement on page 191 that Congress was sitting at Annapolis 
in 1787. 

The volume is handsomely printed and is embellished with over 
forty illustrations comprising a notable series of maps, portraits, and views. 

Herman V. Awes. 

Napoleon. A History of the Art of War, from the Beginning of the 
French Revolution to the End of the Eighteenth Century, with a 
Detailed Account of the Wars of the French Revolution. In four 
volumes. Volumes I and II. By Lieutenant-Colonel Theo- 
dore Ayrault Dodge, U. S. A. (Boston and New York : 
Houghton, Mifflin, and Company. 1904. Pp. xx, 620; ix, 

It was only eleven years ago that Levy declared in his Napoleon 
intime that the true history of Napoleon had yet to be written, but in that 
time immense strides have been made in the right direction. Professor 
Sloane's Life of Napoleon Bonaparte supplied, among many other details, 

1 84 Reviews of Books 

abundant valuable information which no one else had been able to un- 
earth respecting the early life of the great Corsican ; and as a result of 
his work it was possible for the first time to understand logically the de- 
velopment of the gaunt, poverty-stricken, but nevertheless proud and 
masterful little Corsican of the Military School of Brienne, through the 
various stages which made him the foremost general and the most daz- 
zling character in the history of the world. The closing days of the 
"eagle Emperor" chained to a lonely rock in the Atlantic " a thousand 
miles from anywhere" have been discussed anew by Lord Rosebery in 
his incisive volume on Napoleon, the Last Phase, and the manifold con- 
flicting events and works dealing with this period have been weighed like 
legal evidence and definitely placed in the categories where they properly 
belong. For more than eighty years an immense amount of invaluable 
information lay in the archives of the British Foreign Office, untouched 
except by Fyffe's History of Modern Europe, and it remained for John 
Holland Rose to bring to light in his Life of Napoleon La. great deal of 
new material which had not previously been published in any such ad- 
mirable form. Another work of much merit was Dr. A. Fournier's 
Napoleon L, which first appeared in German, then in French in 1892, 
and has now been translated into English. 

Although these general works possess an immense deal of valuable 
information, they obviously cannot grapple with all the phases of a life 
the like of which never has been, and unquestionably never will be, seen 
again. Such a task, as Rosebery points out, is far too stupendous for 
any one man to accomplish and the desideratum can never be attained 
until all the manifold sides of that remarkable figure have been dissected 
and analyzed by specialists. Although the general reader cannot be 
gainsaid his undeniable right to demand works having approximate com- 
pleteness in their treatment of important historical personages, yet this 
does not diminish the value of the labors of specialists who can alone, 
each man in his own line, ultimately furnish a complete history of the 
"little man in the great gray coat", whose colossal genius towers far 
above that of any other historical character and who for years controlled 
the destinies of Europe. 

There still remains a vast amount of material relating to his military 
career as yet untouched, but each year brings more of these treasures to 
light. The movement in this direction was unquestionably initiated by 
General Baron Jomini, one of the greatest of military writers, whose Life 
of Napoleon, published first in French and translated into English in 
1864, is still the model for works of this kind, just as Captain P. 
Foucart's Campagne rfe Prusse, published in 1887 and 1890, is a model 
for those who confine themselves to one campaign and who, by going 
directly to the original sources, follow the "Oxford system", inau- 
gurated by Lecky, which is the best method by which accurate historical 
data is brought to light. A less technical but nevertheless specialized 
work of inestimable value is the admirable work Napoleon as a General 
from the pen of that brilliant colonel, Count Yorck von Wartenburg of 

Dodge: Napoleon 185 

the Prussian General Staff, whose untimely death in China is a cause of 
genuine regret. These two volumes, based on the Correspondance pub- 
lished by order of Napoleon III, were first brought out in German and 
only two years ago appeared in print in English as part of " The Wolse- 
ley Series". Two other works deserving of highest rank are the master- 
ful comments on the Italian campaigns of 1796— 1 797 and 1800 contained 
in H. H. Sargent's Napoleon Bonaparte s First Campaign and The Cam- 
paign of Marengo. Unremitting researches by continental writers are 
yearly producing innumerable memoirs, correspondence, and technical 
works dealing with the multiplicity of details which went to make the 
Napoleonic era the most remarkable military epoch in history, and the 
side-lights thus thrown on the central dominating figure have done much 
to bring out many points which have hitherto remained in the dark. 

One would think that all the numberless works treating of this 
colossus in his various aspects as strategian, statesman, lawgiver, and 
man had well-nigh exhausted the subject but, although more has been 
written of this one individual than of any other historical personage, 
many times over, the fund of knowledge pertaining to him seems like an 
eternal spring, many of whose sources are still unfathomed. Historical 
treasures, like the most precious jewels, are generally unearthed in a form 
too crude for use and need to be subjected to some refining process which 
gives them their value. Hence it is that the labor of the excavator is 
incomplete until supplemented by that of the refiner, to whom the world 
is principally indebted for its most valuable acquisitions. In this latter 
category we now have the pleasure of chronicling one of the most notable 
contributions to the military history of the greatest of all strategists which 
has appeared in the last decade — the first two volumes of Colonel Dodge's 
Napoleon. There are few men living better qualified than he to under- 
take such a difficult work ; a soldier who has participated in many of the 
campaigns of the Civil War, a keen observer who for several years lived 
in and breathed the atmosphere of a martial capital like Berlin, a writer 
of unusual depth of research and breadth of view, as shown by his pre- 
vious works on the campaigns of "Great Captains", he exemplifies 
admirably the maxim given by Napoleon — which he quotes at the 
beginning of his first volume — who declared that in order to master the 
secret of the art of war one must read and re-read the history of the 
eighty-eight campaigns of great commanders like Alexander, Hannibal, 
Caesar, Gustavus Adolphus, and Frederick, and by modeling oneself on 
them learn to reject maxims opposed to theirs. Colonel Dodge has 
already published works on all of these captains — except Frederick the 
Great, which has wisely been deferred pending the appearance of the 
exhaustive treatise being prepared by the German General Staff — and 
the years of study which he has spent in the preparation of these works is 
manifest on almost every page of his Napoleon. Only those who had 
labored in the way which he has done would be able to compare how 
General Bonaparte advancing on Turin in 1796 remembered the diffi- 
culty which Prince Eugene had had in 1706 ; the simdarity between the 

1 86 Reviews of Books 

fighting on the causeways at Arcole and of Caesar at Alexandria, of 
Castiglione and Leuthen, of the battles of Mount Tabor and the Pyramids 
and those of Alexander ; or to show how Napoleon's crossing of the Little 
St. Bernard in 1800 was " a mere summer day's excursion" (II, 27) 
compared with Hannibal's traversing the same pass or Alexander's 
crossing of the Hindu-Kush ; and how Napoleon's letter of October 12, 
1 806, to his " Brother ' ' of Prussia was ' ' a stratagem worthy of Hannibal, 
father of stratagems " (II, 375). 

Dodge's Napoleon, like the other books of his "Great Captains" 
series, is founded on the postulate that " the great captain is the product 
of exceptional intellect, exceptional force of character and exceptional 
opportunity", supplemented by the fact that "the highest strategy is 
generally the product of the greatest brain ". The reviewer was the first 
writer in English to summarize the five principal characteristics of 
Napoleonic strategy, viz.: (1) the initiative at the beginning of hostili- 
ties, (2) one line of operations, (3) the unity of forces, (4) the rapidity 
of movement on decisive points, and (5) the invariable concentration 
for battle, illustrated by maxims culled from Napoleon's own writings, 
and to point out that "throughout these above-enumerated principles 
runs the fundamental idea of simplicity " ( Journal of the Military Service 
Institution, XXVIII, 20, January, 1901). These ideas have been admir- 
ably enlarged by Colonel Dodge, who in chapter xxi (II, 11— 12) which 
deals with the events immediately following the establishment of the 
Consulate and preceding the campaign of Marengo, aptly says : 

The conception of all Napoleon's campaigns and the simple perfec- 
tion of their opening is a study. Several points are always prominent. 
The army has but one line of operations. Along this line the mass is to 
be projected. The objective is to be the enemy's army. The line 
chosen is one running around the flank of the enemy, upon his communi- 
cations. If possible this flank is to be the strategic flank, that is, the 
one which most surely cuts the enemy off from his own base. And last, 
while thus threatening the enemy's, the line is to be such as to conserve 
one's own communications. These were principles on which this great 
soldier always acted. In other words, his rule for opening a campaign 
was this: move in one mass upon the enemy's army, along one line of 
operations, from such a base and in such a direction that you shall turn 
his strategic flank and threaten his communications, without prejudicing 
your own. Then if you beat him in the battle it should be your aim at 
once to bring on, you can destroy him. This theory, put into words, 
sounds simple ; but it has taken twenty-four centuries of war to enable 
any one to enunciate the rule ; and Napoleon has been the one great 
captain who consistently practiced it. 

Colonel Dodge's work abounds in such admirable summaries as the 
above, which show in what good stead his previous studies have stood 
him and how thoroughly he has weighed every authority and every 
detail. The work opens with an exhaustive examination of the condition 
and organization of the military establishments of France, Prussia, and 
Austria, followed by a careful consideration of tactics and administration 

Dodge: Napoleon 187 

at the end of the eighteenth century. No detail has been neglected ; 
the organization of the various arms, minor and battle tactics, adminis- 
tration and supply, baggage, discipline, fortifications and field-works, 
rations and pay are treated in a manner which has no counterpart in 
English military literature. All these important minutiae are known to 
the student who has delved into the valuable technical works of other lan- 
guages, and Colonel Dodge has conferred a genuine benefit in placing 
such valuable facts within the reach of English-speaking readers. 

Beginning with an army " rotten in its organization, discipline and 
morale" and "as bad as the worst of the mercenaries of the Thirty 
Years' War", Dodge shows how the French, actuated by the subversive 
creeds of the Revolution, succeeded in holding head against the entire 
Continent in spite of the internal dissentions, the constant guillotining 
of incompetent commanders, and the radical faults of the system inau- 
gurated by Carnot, who, though mediocre himself as a general, proved 
to be the "organizer of Victory". Although the lessons taught by 
Frederick the Great were almost entirely forgotten and the faulty dis- 
semination of forces due to adherence to the "cordon system", the 
French nevertheless profited by the experience of the officers who had 
served in the American Revolution, consisting, as Dodge points out, of 
" the superiority of good marksmen in open order, each one taking 
advantage of the accidents of the ground, over seasoned regulars who 
fought elbow to elbow" (I, 24). Frederick the Great's disciple in 
France was Guibert, whose school won the day against the advocates of 
the deep formation, with the result that on August 1, 1791, the " Ordi- 
nance", which remained in technical force through the Napoleonic era, 
inaugurated a new method known as "skirmishers in great bands", 
which fostered "that forward swing whose normal effect so often leads 
to victory, and which was so thoroughly consistent with the French 
character" (II, 180). The result was that 

The new French cry was "Audacity, more audacity, always audac- 
ity ! ' The French armies forded great rivers in the teeth of the enemy ; 
they crossed vast mountain ranges with cavalry and artillery ; they threw 
bridges under heavy artillery fire ; they bivouacked without tents ; they 
marched and fought without magazines ; they waded through rivers 
breast-high ; they made continuous marches in snow ankle-deep. 

The " theory of the impossible" became a doctrine and brought into 
existence a military fervor and a nascent moral force which needed only 
the guiding hand of a master-spirit to be developed into irresistible 
power. The hour was ripe for the "man of Destiny ". 

Through the campaigns of 1796, 1797,. Egypt, Marengo, the Ulm 
manoeuvers which are among " the very finest in history", Austerlitz, 
"the first pattern of a great battle he had shown the world ", Jena, and 
its masterful pursuit, in which the Prussians "lost all save honor", 
Pultusk, whose lesson should have prevented the disastrous events of 
1812, Eylau, " the bloodiest battle since Malplaquet ", Heilsberg, which 
gave evidence of Napoleon's belief in his seeming invincibility, and 

1 88 Reviews of Books 

Friedland, where he caught the Russians in a faulty position and practi- 
cally destroyed them, Dodge traces the working of the great strategist in 
all its details. He contrasts his modus operandi with that of the other 
French generals who were governed by Carnot's plan of attacking two 
wings at one and the same time, and the allied generals who — with 
the one exception of Suwarrov who "had the soul of a great captain, 
but not the head", as Napoleon said — were wedded to the "cordon 
system" or hampered by the "blundering interference" of the Aulic 
Council, a "hide-bound", "hypercritical, antiquated", but "distin- 
guished body of fossils" "to which from the days of Prince Eugene 
Austria had owed all her reverses ' ' . Furthermore Dodge demonstrates 
that even a Napoleon could not violate the fundamental laws of war with- 
out suffering the inevitable consequences, as he did at Marengo and in 
1807, when he disseminated his forces and permitted Bennigsen tempo- 
rarily to wrest from him the initiative and the control of " interior lines". 
While Dodge contributes no material which has not already seen print 
and while he closely follows Jomini and Yorck von Wartenburg, he has 
nevertheless concentrated in admirable form the information previously 
scattered in hundreds of volumes, and his work bids fair to be the 
best military history of Napoleon in English. Unlike previous writers 
who have been possessed of the idea that men in war are mere autom- 
ata, Dodge is wise not to neglect the "personal equation", and he 
has successfully endeavored to give a brief but complete picture of a 
Napoleonic army in all its details, taking care to show how they were 
fed and how the transport was furnished by the Breidt Company — 
facts of which most English readers know nothing. His summaries of 
political events are succinct and comprehensive, his descriptions of the 
various terrains — nearly all of which he has visited in person — are 
admirable, and his examination of the reasons which induced the First 
Consul in 1800 to give the principal strategical theater in Suabia to 
Moreau while he took the subordinate theater in Italy, his chapter on the 
" Formation for Battle ", and his account of the causes which made the 
Gaul superior to the Teuton in the opening of the campaign of Jena, are 
the work of a master hand. He judiciously avoids many of the pitfalls 
abounding in this period by declining to be drawn into such fruitless dis- 
cussions as whether Bonaparte was justified in administering poison to 
some of his plague-stricken men after Acre, whether he really intended 
to invade England, and whether the Third Coalition was originated by 
Russia or by England. His style is generally terse and direct, in all the 
mass of detail the principal point is never lost sight of, and the method 
of presentation is clear and convincing. The two volumes are profusely 
illustrated, but the portraits and cuts of uniforms, while interesting and 
usually well chosen — one of the best being those of the "guns of the 
period" —are seldom identified as to source or authenticity. Although 
Dodge emphasizes the fact that it was his strategy rather than his tactics 
which underlay Napoleon's successes, yet it seems to me that more detail 
would have been in keeping with a work professedly technical than is to 

Mathiez : La Theophilanthropie et le Culte Decadairc 1 89 

be found in the skeleton maps, stripped of all but the bald essentials, 
which illustrate the operations described ; and it is lamentable that more 
care should not have been taken in making the spelling of names on the 
maps agree with the spelling in the text — the most flagrant case being 
the map of the Mantua-Leoben country, in which no less than eighteen 
names differ from the orthography of the text. An error has also been 
made in saying that Marmont was created a marshal in 1804 and as such 
commanded one of the corps of the Grand Army in the Ulm-Austerlitz 
campaign, whereas he did not really obtain his baton until after Wagratn. 
Colonel Dodge has not sufficiently accentuated the three periods into 
which Wartenburg has divided Napoleon's career as a general, and it 
seems to me that he follows too closely the Memoires de Sainte-Helene 
which, although among the most remarkable writings in history, are not 
always to be relied upon unless thoroughly verified by more authoritative 
material ; Thiers' s brilliant work errs for the same reason in that he fol- 
lowed too closely the Bulletins, which, as Napoleon wrote to Massena on 
October 11, 1805, were " drawn up in haste and on the run". However 
it is asking too much to demand an absolutely accurate history until all 
the treasures of the war archives of the continent have been unearthed 
and treated in the manner of Foucart's Campagne de Prnsse. Dodge 
has done a notable work, and the close of his second volume has left us 
at Tilsit, where the emperor's star shone its brightest. We shall antici- 
pate with pleasure the remaining volumes, especially to see how he will 
treat of Eckmuhl — where the manceuvers surpassed even those of Ulm — 
and of the campaign of France — where the titanic struggle again called 
forth the mightiest efforts of the genius who taught the world more of the 
art of war than any other captain of ancient or modern times. 

Frederic L. Huidekoper. 

La Theophilanthropie et le Culte Decadairc, iyg6—i8oi : Essai sur 
r Histoire Religieuse de la Revolution. Par Albert Mathiez. 
[Bibliotheque de la Fondation Thiers, IV.] (Paris : Felix Al- 
can. 1904. Pp. 753.) 

This volume and its companion, Les Origines des Cultes Revolution- 
naires, IJ89-1J92 (Paris, Societe Nouvelle de Librairie et d' Edition, 
1 904 ), are the two theses presented by M. Mathiez, at the Univer- 
sity of Paris for his doctorate. M. Mathiez, who was formerly a stu- 
dent at the Ecole Normale Superieure and later a student pensioner 
on the Thiers Foundation, is at present professor agrege of history in the 
Lycee at Caen. He has for some time been a frequent contributor to 
historical reviews and an active member in French historical societies, 
and is one of the most brilliant of the younger generation of French 
historians. This volume recommends itself at first glance by the dedica- 
tion to MM. Aulard and Bourgeois, the two eminent masters under whose 
friendly guidance M. Mathiez has pursued diligently the study of every 
phase of the religious history of the Revolution. These two theses and 

1 90 Reviews of Books 

various review articles are the first fruit of these extensive researches in 
a field which has hitherto been left too fully to the martyrologist. The 
excellence and completeness of these first essays, which treat of single 
episodes, will commend to a kindly consideration any future work of the 
author upon his chosen subject. The thorough documentation of the 
volumes is a guaranty of the exacting research and the patient accuracy 
of the author. The systematic arrangement of the book and the full 
index, so sadly wanting in too many French books, will especially com- 
mend this volume to every student who may use it. 

While all will agree in testifying to the author's scholarship, many 
will differ with him in their attitude toward the subject. M. Mathiez, 
like his masters, is a convinced supporter of the Third Republic and 
takes a keen interest in its policies, especially those affecting the church 
and education, which are of such vast importance at this moment. He 
has studied the religious problem during the French Revolution as a part 
of the problem which confronts the France of to-day. To the Ameri- 
can, happily long since accustomed to the separation of church and 
state and to their coexistence, anti-clericalism is something he cannot 
understand, especially when it extends to a complete rejection of Chris- 
tianity or any possible revealed religion (p. 705). To the Frenchman 
of to-day the Revolution is, in the phrase of M. Clemenceau, a " bloc " 
which he must accept or reject as a whole. To him the questions which 
perplex the Third Republic are the same as those which troubled the 
First Republic, and the greatest of these is the religious and educational 
question, for not only have church and state been linked together in 
France but education and religion have seemed inseparable. Naturally the 
intimate relations of church and state, of royalty and clergy, under the 
ancien regime caused the revolutionists to hold the church jointly re- 
sponsible with the old monarchy for all of the existing evils. The 
Revolution sought at first to subordinate the church to the state, but the 
ultramontanism of the clergy soon developed official indifference and 
even official persecution of the church. The revolutionist hated the 
church because of the enormous financial burdens, direct or indirect, 
which it had imposed ; he distrusted it because it owed allegiance and 
demanded obedience to a foreign ruler whose interests were by no means 
consonant with the national welfare of France ; he hated the presence of 
a privileged class, the clergy, which was the ever-present symbol of that 
obnoxious allegiance which it sought ever to make more exacting. In 
short, the financial, political, and moral power of the clergy seemed to 
be used for purposes hostile to the interests of both the people and the 
nation. It is little wonder that the religion professed by this clergy fell 
under the same condemnation as the clergy themselves. The Revolu- 
tion taught men that some of the duties formerly entrusted to the church 
could be performed better, less expensively, and less dangerously by the 
state. Men then began to dream of replacing the discredited church by 
a new religion, pure, undefiled, and, above all, patriotic. The Revolu- 
tion had destroyed and satisfactorily replaced the monarchy, why could 

Dodd : The Life of Nathaniel Macon 191 

it not destroy and replace the church? The Church believed that its 
safety required the overthrow of the Republic and the undoing of the 
Revolution. The Revolution and us child, the Republic, were equally 
convinced that safety could be obtained only by destroying the power of 
the Church, if not the Church itself. 

Just as Jeroboam realized that the people of Israel could not long be 
loyal to his kingdom if they continued to go Jerusalem, a foreign capital, 
to worship, so the revolutionists felt that the Republic was insecure as 
long as its citizens owed allegiance to a foreign pontiff; and like Jero- 
boam the revolutionists essayed to create a new, a national patriotic 
religion. The worship of reason, the worship of the Supreme Being, 
and the system of revolutionary festivals each abode their destined hour 
and went their way, while others were still-born. The Culte Decadaire was 
a purely political religion and fostered by Merlin of Douai and his fellow- 
directors from October, 1798, to July, 1800. It was in a measure a 
revival of the old system of Revolutionary festivals established in con- 
nection with the Revolutionary calendar during the Terror. Theophil- 
anthrophy was the longest-lived of these transient religions. It was 
invented by Chemin, a Parisian bookseller and freemason, and by Val- 
entin Haiiy, the famous friend and benefactor of the blind, in the 
winter of 1 796-1 797. Under the patronage of the director Larevelliere- 
Lepeaux it secured official recognition. Its vogue was chiefly in Paris 
and in a few cities of the provinces, but it had ramifications in foreign 
countries, not excepting the United States, where the French of Galli- 
polis in Ohio and Thomas Paine each showed an active interest in it. 
It fell under the ban of the law in October, 1801. Thanks to MM. 
Aulard and Mathiez, we now possess satisfactory accounts of the different 
attempts of the Revolution to create a religion. 

George M. Dutcher. 

The Life of Nathaniel Macon. By William E. Dodd, Ph.D. (Ra- 
leigh, N. C. : Edwards and Broughton. 1903. Pp. xvi, 443.) 
Professor Dodd's book is a : welcome contribution to American 
political biography. As he tells us in the preface, it is the first compre- 
hensive life of Macon yet attempted. While this famous North Caro- 
linian is not accounted a great statesman, still his long public career 
during the formative period of our nation, his thirty-seven years of con- 
spicuous service in Congress, his position as favorite representative of 
North Carolina, his relation to the secessionist school and to the great 
sectional struggle, his independence, and his Randolph democracy 
render his biography a work of much more than local or passing interest. 
Professor Dodd has dealt with the subject very acceptably. The 
style, marred only by an occasional sentence that is loose, awkward, or 
obscure, is prevailingly clear, careful, and engaging. The material is 
drawn in part from published sources, but quite largely from manuscript 
letters and records. These sources, scattered and on many points scanty, 

i 92 Reviews of Books 

seem to have been used judiciously and to good advantage. In scope 
the book is more than a mere chronicle of events in Macon's life; it 
embraces as a background for its peculiar subject not a little of national 
history from the Revolution to the accession of Jackson, and more espec- 
ially of North Carolina history as related to national affairs and to 
Macon's career. The author's attitude is temperate and scholarly, but 
sympathetic. He emphasizes, as cardinal points in Macon's political 
character, his integrity, his insistence upon economy, his ardent local 
patriotism, and his belief in democracy. He finds Macon's best ex- 
pression of political faith in his declaration that " In proportion as men 
live easily and comfortably, in proportion as they are free from the 
burdens of taxation, they will be attached to the government in which 
they live" (p. 2S8). Macon's speech on the repeal of the Judiciary 
Act, printed in an appendix, is pronounced "the longest and most 
characteristic speech of his congressional career" (p. 404). Professor 
Dodd's general estimate of Macon is indicated by the following sentences 
from his concluding pages: " His place in history must be determined 
by his relations to the South as a distinct section of the nation. He 
believed . . . that next to the State the South had the first demands on 
his service . . . Macon must be regarded as Randolph's counterpart in 
founding the creed of the secessionists ; he was a stronger and more 
influential man than ' his brilliant but flighty friend of Roanoke ' . . . 
He was a Southern statesman in the sectional sense . . . He actually 
believed in democracy" (pp. 400-401). 

In conclusion some matters of detail call for a word of comment. 
For instance, the Missouri Compromise line is given as "36 degrees 40 
seconds" (p. 318). We read that "Importation of foreign slaves into 
the United States had been prohibited by the Constitution after January 
1, 1808" (p. 212). We may question whether Monroe was "an 
exceedingly wise and able President" (p. 299) and A r an Buren "the 
ablest of our public men of the second order" (p. 391). Still more may 
we dissent from the opinion that the slavery struggle culminating in the 
Civil War was merely a matter of dollars and to be explained on eco- 
nomic grounds alone (pp. 103, 213). Certainly it is a little surprising 
that Macon's speech upon the proposed government for newly-purchased 
Louisiana is not mentioned, while his opinions and utterances upon 
matters of much less present-day or permanent interest are given due 
attention. Paul S. Peirce. 

The Lower Soutli in American History. By William Garrott 
Brown. (New York : The Macmillian Company. 1902. Pp. 
xi, 271.) 

This volume is made up of eight papers. The substance of the first 
three was given as " public lectures at Harvard University and at various 
Southern colleges". The next three were published originally in The 
Atlantic Monthly, and only the last two appear for the first time. The 

Brown: The Lower South in American History 193 

first three papers give title to the volume. Here the author concisely 
analyzes the conditions that he conceives made it possible for the lower 
South to exercise a controlling influence in national affairs from " the 
admission of Missouri in 1820 to the secession of South Carolina". He 
contrasts Alabama as typical of the lower south, with Virginia as repre- 
senting the upper, and succinctly points out the social, religious, and 
industrial differences between them. 

There were few if any racial differences, as the immigrants to the 
newer country came mainly from " the older seaboard Southern states". 
More than half of the population was made up of planters and farmers. 
Their industrial life differed from that in Virginia "chiefly in the con- 
centration of land and slaves in fewer hands, in the greater immediate 
profitableness of agriculture, and in the greater rapidity with which lands 
were exhausted ". Three-fourths of the 335,000 slaves in the state were 
owned " by less than ten thousand men ". In " manufactures, banking, 
commerce, and all other industries " not more than 100,000 persons were 

There was an intense religious life. The " richer planters and their 
associates ' ' accepted the Episcopalian form of worship. The Baptists 
and Methodists were strong everywhere. In 1850 there were nearly 
fifteen hundred houses of worship. Popular education however languished. 
There was no organized public-school system until late in the fifties, and 
the percentage of illiterates was large. The best intellect of the state 
went into medicine or the ministry, "but oftener into the law, and 
through the law into politics". When Monroe retired from the Presi- 
dency in 1825, and the ascendency of Virginia in national affairs came to 
an end, the influence Virginia had wielded was taken up and continued 
by the "Black Belt ". 

The author's analysis is interesting, but he probably claims too much 
for the lower South in controlling national action on the questions of 
tariff, internal improvements, and finance. And on the question of the 
annexation of Texas and the Mexican War his position is not wholly 
tenable. He says : 

Slavery had to do with the seizure of Texas and the attempts upon 
Cuba. But we may not attribute to that alone this single act in the long 
drama which began before the first slave landed in Virginia and ended in 
1898. The true cause of it was that old land hunger which half the 
world has not satisfied. . . . When the last act came on, and Mex- 
ico had to be conquered, it was mainly volunteers from the Cotton states, 
joined by a few of their Northern friends, like Franklin Pierce, who 
swelled our little army to the strength the enterprise demanded 
(pp. 77-78). 

No doubt both causes played a part. It hardly can be gainsaid, 
however, that the interests of slavery were the immediate and dominant 
motives. Slavery explains the land-hunger of that time. The acquisition 
of new territory for the erection of new slave states to maintain the South's 
equality in the Senate to bolster up slavery was the controlling motive. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 13. 

1 94 Reviews of Books 

Of the remaining papers, one is on William Lowndes Yancey, "the 
orator of secession ". Another is on the resources of the Confederacy. 
This is based on Professor John C. Schwab's excellent work on the finan- 
cial and industrial history of the south during the Civil War. The third 
is a concise account of the origin and organization of the Kuklux move- 
ment in the first years following the war. The fourth, " A New Hero of 
an Old Type", is a rhetorical eulogy on Lieutenant Richard Hobson. 
The fifth and last is entitled " Shifting the White Man's Burden ". In 
this paper the author considers the disfranchise movement in the south, 
but finds no solution of the problem. Mr. Brown has written an inter- 
esting and suggestive book. His treatment is fair ; his statement is clear 
though at times he is somewhat too rhetorical. The book is not a history, 
but is an excellent beginning toward one. It makes little if any con- 
tribution of fact, and its chief value is in its suggestiveness. 

John William Perrin. 

The Republican Party : A History of its Fifty Years' Existence and a 
Record of its Measures and Leaders, 1854.-1904.. By Francis 
Curtis. (New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1904. Two 
vols., pp. xxi, 532 ; v, 566.) 

These volumes are written by a candid party advocate. The author, 
obviously, has believed in the Republican party in the past, believes in 
it to-day, and bids fair to continue to believe in it in time to come. 
The volumes contain a "Foreword" by President Roosevelt and "In- 
troductions" by Hon. William P. Frye, President/;-^ tempore of the 
Senate, and Hon. J. G. Cannon, Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives. The work may be regarded, therefore, as a party history officially 
recognized. Though not impartial, the work may be said to be useful 
and fair, as it accomplishes very well its aim of setting forth fully and 
clearly, though without attempt at philosophical exposition, what the Re- 
publican party has accomplished during the fifty years of its history. The 
author does this with a good sense of proportion and selection. What- 
ever one may think of Republican policies, the life of one of our great 
parties will be recognized as a theme worthy of the party historian ; and 
as a record of party creed and achievement Mr. Curtis's work is worthy 
of commendation and appreciation. 

The author opens his work with the birth of the Republican party 
under the oaks at Jackson, the fiftieth anniversary of which event has 
recently been fittingly celebrated ; yet half his first volume is taken up 
with a preliminary review of the great slavery controversy that brought 
the Republican party into being. The author goes at considerable length 
into the formative and heroic period of the Republican party, when it 
contended against the extension of slavery, when it required nerve, the 
severance of party ties, and the sacrifice of personal reputations and 
interests to stand for the cause ; and he very properly gives large space 
to the complex party situation of 1854 and 1856. Scant attention is 

Curtis : The Republican Party 195 

given to the Liberty party in 1844, but partial recognition is made (due 
to Senator Hoar's example and mugvvumpery of that day) of the Free- 
soil platform of 1848 as the forerunner of the Republican position of 
1856. The Know-nothing movement is fully treated, and the begin- 
nings of the Republican party in 1854, by spontaneous movements and 
meetings in various states in the north in opposition to the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill, are traced in considerable detail. To the special student 
of party history in America the material brought together from articles, 
letters, speeches, and reminiscences in this part of Mr. Curtis's work 
relating to the credit due for the origins of his party are of much interest 
and value. 

Mr. Curtis denies the right of the present Democratic party to claim 
its ancestry in Jefferson. The founder of the Democratic party is referred 
to as an " ardent protectionist ", and no distinction is made between the 
Anti-Federal party that opposed the adoption of the Constitution and 
the Democratic-Republican party of Jefferson that had its birth in a 
conflict over questions of Constitutional construction. The hyphenated 
word " Democratic-Republican " Mr. Curtis discards altogether, holding 
that the party of Jefferson was merely " Republican ", as by that name 
alone Jefferson always sought to call his party. Jefferson's desire no 
doubt prevailed after his party came into unquestioned power and repu- 
tation, and it might be just as well to do as Mr. Curtis does, apply the 
single name " Republican " to the old party of Jefferson, if it were pos- 
sible to change historical terminology. But the effort must be regarded 
as quite vain wherein the author seeks to make the Republican party of 
Jefferson the forebears, not of the modern Democratic party, but of the 
Whigs, and, therefore, by implication, of the modern Republicans. 
"The old Republican party, as such," he says, "was merged almost 
wholly into the Whig party " ; " the campaign of 1828 can well be said 
to be a conflict between Republicans and Democrats" ; "The name 
National Republican was retained until the campaign of 1832, when the 
party became known as the Anti-Mason party, afterwards the Whigs." 
Subsequently in speaking of the Antimasonic party the author says, with 
an apparent inconsistency, "The old Federalists were very glad of the 
opportunity to get together in a new organization, and eagerly welcomed 
the advent of the anti-Masonic party" (I, 80). The modern Demo- 
cratic party, he thinks, finds its origin under Jackson in 1828, " now, for 
the first time, triumphant ", and it was composed " largely of the inhabi- 
tants of the slaveholding States ". All this is confusing, if not mislead- 
ing, and it throws no light on the conflicting claims of the Jacksonian 
Democrats and the Clay Whigs to be the linear descendants of the Jef- 
fersonian Republicans. A historical argument may be made for either 
view, but the burden of the argument is in favor of the Democrats, 
though evidently Mr. Curtis does not consider it his office to vindicate 
the claim of the opposing client. 

The bulk of Mr. Curtis's volumes is very properly occupied with 
giving, in historical order, the record of the issues, platforms, and con- 

1 96 Reviews of Books 

tests with which the country has had to do since 1856. Here may be 
found, in large measure, the political history of the last fifty years. 
Special interest attaches to the conventions and campaigns of i860, 1864, 
1880, and 1884. Light notice is taken, very naturally, of the short- 
comings of the party, either of the last generation or of this. But in the 
record of the party conventions many interesting nominating speeches 
and party discussions are given, and the proceedings and decisions are 
set forth by which the evolution of the unwritten party law is revealed. 
Some readers will be disappointed and surprised that more attention is 
not given to the development of party machinery and to the importance 
of party organization, practice, and usage in popular government ; for 
on this line we find one of the most striking characteristics of our party 
life during the lifetime of the Republican party. _ The most recent events 
and issues in our party history are discussed from the Republican point 
of view, and the volumes may be regarded as a good and useful summary 
of Republican principles and policies, with the party defenses well and 
ably guarded. 

In his closing chapter, on "Defections from the Party", which is 
largely a discussion of party ethics, Mr. Curtis makes a plea at length in 
favor of party fealty and against the spirit of the mugwump. Of the four 
historic Republican defections, the first, that of 1864, says Mr. Curtis, 
was " only a flash in the pan " ; the second, that of 1872, was a failure 
that brought only ridicule to its cause and death to its candidate ; the 
third, that of 1884, was based on a false charge, and he condemns its 
leader, Mr. George William Curtis, as "bound in honor to support the 
ticket and platform" (II, 472) which he helped to make ; the fourth 
defection, that of the Silver Republicans in 1896, strengthened the party 
rather than weakened it. The mugwumps, the author declares, have in 
no way influenced party nominations or the course of party history; to 
the credit of electing Cleveland, if credit it be and if such credit can be 
claimed, the author allows the mugwumps to be entirely welcome. Con- 
siderable attention is given to Mr. George William Curtis and Mr. Carl 
Schurz as leaders of mugwump opinion, and severe criticism is meted 
out to the Springfield Republican as a typical mugwump journal, which is 
characterized as making "untruthful and unjust attacks . . . upon the 
nation's trusted officers " (II, 481 ). 

The appendix of the work contains a good deal of good party 
material. Students and readers who are interested in American politics 
and party history will find cause of gratitude to Mr. Curtis for the result 
of his labor. James A. Woodburn. 

The History of Tiventy-ftve Years. By Sir Spencer Walpole, 
K.C.B. Volume I, 1856-1865 ; Volume II, 1865-1870. (Lon- 
don and New York : Longmans, Green, and Company. 1904. 
Two vols., pp. xviii, 529; xiv, 525.) 
It is twenty years since Sir Spencer Walpole completed his six- 

Walpole: The History of Twenty-five Years 197 

volume History of England from 18 ij to i8j8, a work to which the 
present history forms in some sort the sequel. But the author warns his 
reader that these later volumes aim at covering not merely the history 
of England but that of continental Europe and the United States between 
1856 and 1881. And this gives them a peculiar interest and importance. 
They have no real competitor in English, for Fyffe's Modern Europe is 
constructed on a much smaller scale, and Mr. McCarthy's History of Our 
Own Times is both too exclusively British and too journalistic to compete 
either in scope or in style with Sir Spencer's work. The recently adver- 
tised history by Mr. Herbert Paul may intend to traverse the same 
ground, but anybody who is familiar with Mr. Paul's other books will 
hardly expect from him the large views, the judicial temper, the mellow 
and deliberate opinions, which make Sir Spencer a historian of unusual 

Walpole's work consists practically of thirteen monographs, varying 
in length from sixty to one hundred pages, of which seven are directly 
concerned with British internal affairs, and one each with the union of 
Italy, with Poland and Denmark, with the American Civil War and the 
Mexican Empire, with the rise of Prussia, and with the collapse of the 
French Empire. It is particularly to those non-British chapters that 
attention should be called, because, so far as I am aware, there is noth- 
ing else in English so good, nothing that supplies their place. The 
account of the union of Italy, for instance, compresses into comparatively 
small compass diplomatic and political negotiations, many of which have 
only recently been revealed, which extended over seven years ; and, 
what is more to the purpose, the treatment is as sympathetic as it is clear. 
So too the chapter on the American Civil War is written with a fine 
candor. Sir Spencer lays bare the truculence of Palmerston, the super- 
cilious hostility of the British aristocracy toward the North, and the 
uncertain and often mistaken policy of the British Foreign Office ; but 
he also shows the basis on which British prejudices rested, and the 
blunders, of which the seizure of Mason and Slidell was the greatest, in 
the American conduct. Throughout the work, indeed, he describes 
with scrupulous precision the state of mind which conditioned the acts 
of each of the parties to a dispute. As a specimen of his skill in disen- 
tangling the most snarly skein of modern diplomacy, the chapter on the 
Schleswig-Holstein affair may be recommended. Possibly, the portion 
of his history which some readers will concur in least is that which 
unfolds the rise of Prussia. Sir Spencer describes Bismarck's genius in 
all its strength, but with its utter ignoring of moral considerations when 
a political advantage was to be gained for Prussia. 

The chapters devoted to Great Britain take up Parliamentary and 
party development, but they go much deeper than that, for Sir Spencer 
traces also the progress of inventions, the changes in social and religious 
ideals, and the altered views of man's relations to the universe which the 
teachings of Darwin and the evolutionists brought about. The great 
topics, such as the Reform Bill of 1867 or the Irish Question, are of 

198 Reviews of Books 

course given due attention ; but you will find also very interesting 
accounts of the development of steamships, of the introduction of limited 
liability, of the construction of the Thames embankment and the metro- 
politan drainage system, and of the admission of Jews to Parliament. 
Special mention should be made of a general survey of civilization during 
the sixth decade of the nineteenth century, and of passages which sum- 
marize British conditions about i860 in a manner recalling Macaulay's 
famous description of England under Charles II. But most stress should 
be laid, not upon the accuracy with which Sir Spencer states a case, nor 
on the abundance of his information, but on his eminently judicial 
temper, and on his sympathy, which enables him to understand and 
interpret men who differ absolutely in aims and deeds. 

Posterity will in the main, I believe, confirm Sir Spencer's verdicts 
on the great issues and men that he takes up. But while his general out- 
lines are lifelike, persons may not all agree on the lights and shades. Thus, 
the somewhat scant credit given to Grant as a commander would be modi- 
fied if Sir Spencer took sufficiently into account Grant's immense achieve- 
ment west of the Alleghenies before he commanded the Army of the 
Potomac. Sir Spencer, like many Americans even, forgets Shiloh and 
Vicksburgand Chattanooga, and the other work of three campaigns which 
resulted in wresting the Mississippi valley from the Confederacy. To imply 
that Grant was only a mediocre general because he pounded away, regardless 
of slaughter, in the Wilderness, and to forget all his record in the west, 
is unfair. Relatively, Vicksburg was as difficult to capture as Sebastopol, 
yet Grant captured it in a fifth of the time and with probably only an 
eighth of the cost in men and money required by the English and French 
for Sebastopol. So, too, such a move as Grant's cutting loose from his 
base revealed in him military qualities of a very high order. Wellington, 
for example, never equaled that. It is evident that Sir Spencer does not 
realize that, although the south had a much smaller population than the 
north, the southern country, with its roadless forests and mountains, its 
unbridged rivers, and its infrequent towns, made defense easy. Since 
recent experience showed that it took ten Englishmen to displace one 
Boer, the tremendous advantage which geography may give to one side 
in war ought to need no further demonstration. The Confederacy had 
only one soldier to every three Union soldiers, yet the advantage of posi- 
tion may well have been worth the numerical odds. 

Sir Spencer's view of Napoleon III is that which de la Gorce, Ollivier, 
Thouvenel, and other French historians and memoirists have recently 
made popular. Instead of the unprincipled Machiavellian whom King- 
lake and Hugo painted, we are now shown an amiable dreamer, selfish, 
indeed, and ready to shed a little blood if it seemed expedient, but on 
the whole benevolently disposed; and prevented from being a model 
father of his people by the perverseness of an ungrateful minority. Much 
stress is now laid on Napoleon's disease, and the date when it is supposed 
to have rendered him unequal to the task of giving his best talents to gov- 
erning is set farther and farther back. The work of palliation, if not of 

Walpole : The History of Twenty-five Years 199 

whitewashing, has, I suspect, been overdone ; and the final portrait of 
Napoleon III will display a usurper unscrupulous and merciless when 
thwarted, but with a not uncommon desire to make people happy when 
by so doing he could add to his prestige and live more comfortably him- 
self. His recent extenuators may be challenged to cite any act of his in 
which his first consideration was not the strengthening of his dynasty 
instead of the good of France. It is now so evident that after 1861 his 
empire was a bubble, ready to burst at the first pinch, that historians 
who, like Walpole, state the facts, find it hard to make modern readers 
realize that down to 1870 Napoleon's contemporaries in the world at 
large believed him to be really the arbiter of Europe, and that even states- 
men behind the scenes acted on that assumption. 

To only two other large matters is there space to refer. Sir Spencer 
thinks that Italy could hardly have been united without Lord John Rus- 
sell's good-will. Nobody can wish to deprive Lord John of the gratitude 
which Italians owe to him for his favorable attitude in 1859 and i860 ; 
but to suppose that, even had the Tories remained in office, Cavour 
would not have succeeded in drawing Napoleon III into the war with 
Austria, or in annexing Central Italy and Sicily, is to assign undue 
importance to England's moral support. Cavour knew perfectly well 
that English cabinets, whether led by Derby or by Palmerston, would 
never send a single British battalion to help or hinder the Italian cause ; 
and, when the crisis came, Cavour would have gone ahead and risked a 
diplomatic censure, which would have affected him no more than it did 
Bismarck in 1864. Cavour and Bismarck were statesmen of such different 
caliber from that of any of the statesmen who have directed the British 
Foreign Office that an Englishman may well fail to recognize that they 
did not make the success of their policy contingent on the Foreign 
Office's consent. 

The second point is the high position as statesman and organizer to 
which Sir Spencer lifts Jefferson Davis. Southern writers have hitherto 
extolled the military side of the Confederacy and neglected the political 
and administrative side, even suggesting that Davis's interference in mili- 
tary matters was a constant source of trouble. Until some Southerner, 
with the fairness of Mr. Rhodes, writes from full knowlege the history of 
the Confederacy, most Americans will at least suspend judgment in 
regard to Jefferson Davis's " great qualities". 

In conclusion, it should be said that, although Sir Spencer's work 
deals primarily with political and social movements in a large impersonal 
way, it has several admirable characterizations of public men. The 
analysis of Disraeli, the portrait of Gladstone, the summing up of Pal- 
merston cannot henceforth- be overlooked, and there are incidental 
sketches of many others. The total effect of the history is such that it 
deserves to rank with Mr. Rhodes' s. We may hope that the remaining 
volumes may soon be completed, and that the publishers will issue a 
popular edition, congenial to the taste and purses of American readers, 
who do not understand the English publishers' preference for selling a 

200 Reviezvs of Books 

few hundred copies at five dollars a volume instead of several thousand 
copies at two dollars a volume. The two markets are apparently so dis- 
similar that special provision should be made for supplying the American, 
especially when a book like Sir Spencer Walpole's is fitted for a large 

William Roscoe Thayer. 

Abraham Lincoln and his Presidency. By Joseph Hartwell Bar- 
rett, LL.D. (Cincinnati : The Robert Clarke Company. 
1904. Two vols., pp. xi, 379; vii, 41 1.) 

The author of these volumes wrote the biography of Lincoln used for 
campaign purposes in i860. He has been studying his subject more or 
less ever since. He saw Lincoln on various occasions and knew a num- 
ber of his friends. One might expect, therefore, both of the elements 
of a good biography : contributions to our specific knowledge of the hero, 
and a distinct personal impression of him. The volumes give us neither- 
They have added no facts, which is excusable, after the thorough glean- 
ing that has been made, and they are remarkable for their failure to evoke 
the personality, whether as private individual, orator, diplomat, father, 
husband, boy, or man. A biographer need not be an artist to put into 
his papers a living being. Herndon did it for Lincoln, probably, more 
vividly than any writer who has followed. Inaccurate in many details, 
he yet drew a portrait that was Lincoln. Accurate in most details, Mr. 
Barrett has drawn no portrait at all. 

Moreover, the title is not exact. " Abraham Lincoln and the Battles 
of the Civil War" would describe more justly the contents of the 
book, which gives an elementary account of almost every important 
battle in the war, with most of which Lincoln had nothing to do, and 
gives no idea of the immensely complicated problems, political, military, 
and personal, with which the President was in constant struggle. In 
scope, therefore, as in treatment, the book is commonplace. Nor does 
it have that instinct for evidence which would recommend it to the 
critical sense. It is of the familiar type which receives with awe the testi- 
mony of some reverend individual who once knew somebody who knew 
Lincoln's parents. A sentence like this, for instance, is enough to take 
from one at once any remaining seriousness : " The Captain's bearing and 
his power on this occasion, according to accounts from some of the men 
in after years, impressed them as almost supernaturally grand" (I, 33). Of 
course Mr. Barrett is convinced that Lincoln lived " most happily " with his 
wife until his death — not that it is so very important, historically, whether 
he did or not, but it expresses the attitude of militant decorum which 
characterizes the typical commonplace biography of a great man. The 
treatment of the whole Cameron episode, which is crowded into a very 
brief space, would give a reader as sharp an idea as any part of the book 
of the author's fear of not being respectful, if he should happen to express 
anything with clearness. Of the coarser side of Lincoln's humor Mr. 

Villard : Memoirs of Henry Villard 201 

Barrett says : " Nor was there any respect in which his stories or jokes 
were less commendable than those of worthy people in general" (II, 
378). The only place where this attribute of carefully arranged and 
meaningless propriety is for an instant forgotten is when, in treating of 
experiences at the bar, the biographer tells of a fugitive-slave case in 
which Lincoln represented the owner, and observes : "It can hardly be 
supposed that Lincoln was at all disappointed in losing his case. It is a 
relief, however, to have so good a proof — after all that has been told to 
the contrary — that he had no invincible objection to a good client with 
a bad cause " (I, 56). This seems to me a most unfortunate incident to 
seize upon for an attempted first plunge into unfettered thinking, and it 
is recorded here, merely in justice, as the one case observed in two long 

Lincoln was a man peculiarly ill adapted to dull and formal treat- 
ment, and peculiarly inspiring to any American with live thought and 
the zest for life. It is surprising, perhaps, that a biographer with such 
exceptional opportunities should be able to narrate nothing that is ex- 
clusively his own, but it is hardly less surprising that he should have 
been able to tell the well-known circumstances once again, and with 
elaboration, without striking off one page that really reflects anything 
of the moving, swarming scenes in which Lincoln lived, or of his own 
extremely vital personality. 

Norman Hapgood. 

Memoirs of Henry Villard, Journalist and Financier, 1835—1900. 
(Boston and New York : Houghton, Mifflin, and Company. 
1904. Two vols., pp. xi, 393 ; vi, 393.) 

Henry Villard, ne Hilgard, having lived a rather gay life as a Korps 
student at Munich and thus incurred debts that he could not settle, was 
overcome by dread of the paternal wrath, of which he had already had 
much experience, and therefore migrated to America at the age of eight- 
teen. His purpose was to repair his finances and on the basis of this to 
rehabilitate himself with the irate parent. The young man's chief equip- 
ment for his task seems to have been an abysmal ignorance of everything 
that could possibly contribute to a career in this country, beginning with 
the language. Yet forty years later he was able to commit to writing 
these memoirs, which embody the record of an influential participation in 
events, and a familiar intercourse with men whose mark has been most 
deeply impressed on the history not only of America but also of the 
whole civilized world. 

The two volumes now published contain seven books devoted to his 
experiences, first in getting on his feet, as a law-student and general ad- 
venturer in the west, second as a newspaper reporter and correspondent 
in the same region, and third as a very successful war correspondent in 
both east and west during the Civil War. An eighth book covers the 
financial career through which he became so widely known in his later 

202 Reviews of Books 

years. This last book, written in the third person, is substantially his 
own version of a series of promoting exploits, with violent fluctuations of 
success and failure, in raiiroad enterprise. This version differs materially 
from others that have been current ; but the whole matter is so largely 
concerned with purely private and personal affairs that it need not be 
examined at length in this place. The other parts of the Memoirs, on 
the other hand, written in the first person, contain matter that is of value 
to the general history of the times — in one or two instances of unique 
value. Not all the narrative of military events that appears in the volume, 
however, is the product of personal experience and observation. The 
account of the battle of Chickamauga, for example, which fills sixty-seven 
pages, represents merely Mr. Villard's interest in an affair at which he 
hoped to be present but which unfortunately took place while he was 
down with a severe illness. Moreover the military events which fell 
under his actual observation are described quite as much from the official 
records as from his own recollection. He displays none of that jaunty 
confidence, so often discernible in books of this kind, that the facts which 
came under his own eye were necessarily the essential features of a 
great battle or a prolonged campaign. He frankly assumes the character 
of a writer of history along with that of a writer of recollections. The 
result is that his narratives manifest exceedingly few of those vexatious 
errors of well-established fact which mar even the most entertaining 
books of reminiscence. 

Mr. Villard's personal experience, in his capacity as war corres- 
pondent of first the New York Herald and then the New York Tribune, 
included the battles of first Bull Run, Shiloh, Perryville, Fredericksburg, 
and Chattanooga and the attack on the forts at Charleston by the fleet of 
monitors. All these are described with some fullness, but without im- 
portant contribution to existing knowledge on the subject. Of distinctly 
greater suggestiveness from the historical point of view are his descrip- 
tions of life and general conditions in Illinois in the six years before the 
war, and his account of the famous Pike's Peak gold movement of 1859, 
by which the fortune of Colorado was determined. 

Mr. Villard's most interesting experiences in Illinois were those in 
which he came in close contact with Lincoln and with Douglas. With 
the former he was brought casually into very close relations, and he tells 
a story of sitting alone with Lincoln on the floor of an empty freight- 
car for an hour and a half one showery evening, waiting for a train at a 
country station near Springfield. The conversation as described puts in 
most vivid light the element of clownishness that was never entirely sup- 
pressed in the make-up of the great President. But with all the evi- 
dence extant of his crudeness at this period, it is hard to believe that he, 
a man of forty-nine, should have confided to a strange newspaper re- 
porter of twenty-three the ambitions of "Mary" (Mrs. Lincoln) and 
should have repudiated them with the remark, "Just think of such a 
sucker as me as President ! " (I, 96). 

For Douglas Mr. Villard conceived much greater respect than for 

Pearson : The Life of John A. Andrew 203 

Lincoln. The " Little Giant " seems to have had the same charm for the 
young German that won so many young American followers to his cause. 
Villard's first meeting with Douglass was in Washington when, as the 
enthusiastic twenty-one-year-old Teutonic promoter of freedom for Kansas, 
he Actually applied to Douglas for aid in getting a fund from the govern- 
ment for the purchase of land on which to locate settlers from the free 
states. Whether the reporter does full justice to the peremptoriness with 
which his proposition was rejected may be doubted. Later, Mr. Villard 
represented the Staats-Zeitung at four of the meetings in the famous 
Lincoln-Douglas debates. He records that " the unprejudiced mind felt 
at once" that Lincoln's arguments were "in consonance with the true 
spirit of American institutions". Villard's qualifications at that time 
for judging " American institutions " are set in a clear light by reference 
to his proposition to Douglas only two years before. 

In addition to his experiences with Lincoln and Douglas in his earlier 
years, Mr. Villard records a particularly interesting visit to Bismarck after 
the latter's retirement from power. This meeting with the great nine- 
teenth-century history-maker of Europe is no less vividly described than 
the earlier meetings with the great men of America, and the chapters 
dealing with Lincoln, Douglas, and Bismarck give to the Memoirs, with- 
out the aid of the other matter, an important place among historical 
material. William A. Dunning. 

The Life of folin A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts, i86i-i86j. 
By Henry Greenleaf Pearson. (Boston : Houghton, Mifflin, 
and Company. 1904. Two volumes, pp. xv, 324; iii, 358.) 

The long-delayed " authoritative " life of one of the most conspicuous 
Americans in the period of the Civil War comes out in these handsome 
volumes. The immediate friends of this adopted son of Massachusetts 
have strangely neglected the plain duty of giving to Andrew's own genera- 
tion some proper account of his striking career. Our author says 
modestly that " transparent " as Andrew was in his essential nature, his 
complete quality cannot be set forth by the pen. It is well-nigh im- 
possible for the modern school to comprehend the conditions under 
which Howe, Sumner, Andrew, Higginson, and others began their cam- 
paign against slavery in New England. The enslavement of the negro 
has come to be regarded as an enormous accident in the development of 
a great people and a powerful state. Then it was held to be a disturbing 
cause, as important as all the powers it was throwing out of balance. In 
the middle nineteenth century conditions of race, economic life, evolu- 
tion of government, all must be subordinated to the philanthropic plea 
for the black man. The nation can hardly be grateful enough to those 
individuals who in some way sought to free the American people from 
the heavy incubus of slavery, to render into practical politics the over- 
mastering philanthropic idea. 

It is not Mr. Pearson's fault that the book is late. There was ample 

204 Reviews of Books 

material at hand ; for Massachusetts has preserved her records much 
better than any other state, and the person treated left some thirty- 
thousand pages of correspondence. The author has used these vast stores 
freely, and generally with good results. His own style is luminous and 
agreeable, producing a narrative which never halts, when it is the writer's 
own. His page is picturesque in the best sense ; not imaginative, but 
pictured in the acts of humankind and colored by human passion. This 
portrait of Andrew is not an aggregate of personal features and 
peculiarities, but a dramatic rendering of the hero, acting under the 
profound and moving influence of the society around him. 

The boy and student was rather inert than vigorous, though he was 
serious as well as jovial in temperament. Inheriting a religious mood 
from his mother, he was always conscious that life is serious. A talker 
rather than a worker, he manifested early the qualities of the advocate 
and orator. Yet he pursued law closely enough to obtain a good practice 
by his own efforts, and he married at thirty. In his twenty-third year 
he naturally drifted to the ministry of James Freeman Clarke, who was 
eight years older and whose guidance affected him materially. Clarke 
was wise, with a large mind — forecasting, seer-like, and prophetic in its 
insight. Clarke and the Howes must have positively influenced Andrew's 
whole career. 

Andrew demonstrated that he could make emotion serve the reason 
in political agitation, and that he could lead audiences almost at will. 
That he was ahead of his time, on his nomination for governor in i860, 
was shown clearly by Bowles in the Springfield Republican (I, 124) : 
" His John Brown sympathies and speeches, his Garrisonian affiliations 
. . . and all that sort of extreme anti-slaveryism with which his record 
abounds, will . . . harm Lincoln". That such a man could absolutely 
lead the commonwealth of Webster and Everett, through four years of 
gigantic war, proved his honest and sincere character, as well as his 
intellectual power and ardent humanity. 

Massachusetts in the Civil AVar is a fruitful theme well treated. Noth- 
ing could exceed the governor's energy, put forth in full beat with the 
throbbing might of the people. He drew to him at once the best men, 
like the sagacious Forbes, whose service was able and constant. Like- 
wise, he could affiliate with some very indifferent citizens, appointing 
them to places of trust, to the disgust of his advisers. The gifted and 
patriotic Henry Lee voiced public sentiment in this severe reproof (II, 
196) : "if the Lord forgives knaves, he is equally forgiving to honest 

men, why will you therefore surround yourself with . . . and a host 

of others to your great moral and mental woolgathering and to the dis- 
gust of your friends who are at least indifferent honest." 

Mr. Pearson candidly admits that Andrew failed in comprehending 
Lincoln. The great descendant of the Puritans met the greater Ameri- 
can, and the smaller vessel could not contain the larger. There was an 
ill-advised movement to put our hero into the President's cabinet in the 
spring of 1865. 

Peirce : The Freedmeri s Bureau 205 

He seriously considered the presidency of Antioch College in Ohio, 
to the " consternation " of his friends, in the words of the narrator. On 
the other hand, we may say, Forbes worked earnestly for it, believing 
it would open the way to the chief office of the nation, which Forbes 
thought was Andrew's due. It is perhaps useless to use the speculative 
"if" ; but one nevertheless is tempted to say, that if Andrew could 
have prolonged his life in changed scenes, escaping the labor by which 
he earned 530,000 per annum at the bar, and better escaping bores and 
beats whose persistence drove him to the grave, and if he could have 
lived in Ohio until 1876, he would have been President instead of 

Errors creep into careful work, as in the appearance of " B. F. 
Thomas, a well-known Democrat " (II, 43). The documentary citations 
are not felicitous, especially in the second volume. Page after page of 
Andrew's voluminous and hortatory matter do not forward a narrative. 
Such rhetoric should be digested by the masters, who can render " phi- 
losophy teaching by examples". The book is encumbered with too 
much historical detail. The subtitle justifies a history of the times of the 
Civil War ; but other matters like the Know-nothing episode and the 
early history of antislavery in Massachusetts receive detailed treatment. 
Such tendency affects the author's narrative in many places. These are 
trifling defects, however, and on the whole the book justifies itself 
through its moving interest and its delightful story. 

W11. B. Weeden. 

The Freedmeri 's Bureau : A Chapter in the History of Reconstruction. 
By Paul Skeels Peirce, Ph.D. [The State University of 
Iowa Studies in Sociology, Economics, Politics, and History. 
Vol. Ill, No. 1.] (Iowa City: State University of Iowa. 
1904. Pp. vii, 200.) 

Mr. Peirce' s monograph is a useful and scholarly contribution to the 
history of one of the many phases of Southern Reconstruction — a field 
of historical study which he very properly says has not received adequate 
attention from investigators. His work shows both industry and dis- 
crimination in the use of the voluminous documentary materials from 
which most of his information has been drawn. He has attempted to 
write a concise account of the origin, growth, organization, and activity 
of the Freedmen's Bureau and the part which it played in the southern 
states during the confusion and wreck following the sudden emancipation 
of the slave population. Of all the agencies and instrumentalities of the 
Reconstructionists there was none in the opinion of the Southern whites 
that did so little good as the Freedmen's Bureau. Its expenditures were 
enormous, its ramifications extended to the remotest communities, it di- 
rected an army of officials, and the powers which it exercised for the 
relief and protection of the freedmen were almost unlimited. The 
Southern whites complained that by supplying lazy freedmen with gener- 

206 ' Reviews of Books 

ous rations the Bureau encouraged idleness at a time when the farms were 
lying waste for lack of labor, while, through the political activity of its 
agents, race hatred was stirred up to the injury of both blacks and 
whites. But, as Mr. Peirce shows, wherever the Bureau was judiciously 
administered by honest and tactful agents it not only brought needed 
relief to many unfortunate blacks who were left adrift in the chaos of the 
time, but did a real service to the white planters by using its vast in- 
fluence with the ignorant freedmen to induce them to enter into labor 
contracts and perform their agreements faithfully. His discussion of 
both the merits and shortcomings of the Bureau is eminently fair and 
judicial. He has endeavored to present the truth and has for the most 
part left his own opinions in the background. 

As a natural preface to his study, the author reviews the conditions 
which gave rise to the necessity for government intervention in behalf of 
the freedmen, which began with the exodus from the plantations to the 
military camps as soon as the Federal armies appeared in the south. The 
antecedents of the Bureau are described under the following heads : ( i ) 
the system of relief provided by the military commanders for the new 
"contrabands" ; (2) the treasury agencies created in 1861 to collect 
abandoned lands and colonize the freedmen thereon ; and (3) the activ- 
ity of religious and benevolent associations. Mr. Peirce then reviews 
the long contest in Congress to create a bureau of emancipation, begin- 
ning in 1863 and ending in 1865 with the creation of the Freedmen's 
Bureau, but without appropriation for its support and with its existence 
limited to one year. With a large income, however, from the lease of 
abandoned lands and the sale of confiscated property the Bureau justified 
its creation, and a bill was easily passed in 1866, in spite of the executive 
veto, to continue its existence. The bill was renewed from time to time 
until 1872, when the Bureau was finally abolished. Its various activities, 
educational, relief, financial, political, etc., are the subject of an inter- 
esting chapter. The Steedman-Fullerton investigation of the conduct of 
the Bureau and the charges against General Howard are carefully examined 
in the light of all the evidence. With regard to the charges against 
General Howard, the author concludes (p. 112) that "many of them 
were recklessly and extravagantly made and that some were without the 
slightest foundation ", although he finds that the general " certainly was 
not a strict constructionist" when it came to interpreting his official 
powers (p. 128). 

If a word of criticism may be passed upon Mr. Peirce's work, it 
should be said that he has not treated intimately the activity of the 
Freedmen's Bureau in its efforts to afford judicial protection to the blacks 
through special tribunals of its own, and the resulting conflicts with the 
civil authorities. This was a source of endless friction and sometimes of 
bloody riots. Had the auther not relied too closely on the Congressional 
documents for his information, he might have been able to throw much 
more light on this important phase of the subject. 

James Wilford Garner. 

Richardson : Writings on American History, igo2 20 

Writings on American History, 1902. By Ernest C. Richardson 
and A. E. Morse. (Princeton: The Library book store. 1904. 
Pp. xxi, 294.) 

The beginning of this series of annual indexes to the literature of 
American history is an event upon which American historians are to be 
congratulated. Early in the history of the American Historical Assso- 
ciation efforts were made by Mr. Paul Leicester Ford, Mr. A. Howard 
Clark, and Professor John M. Vincent to supply a bibliography of the 
writings of the members of the Association, or a record of the current 
literature of American history. The result of this private research was 
necessarily fragmentary. Now, however, we have assurance of a con- 
tinued and complete — or at least more complete — record, since the 
work which Dr. Richardson has inaugurated in the volume in hand has 
been assumed by the Bureau of Historical Research of the Carnegie In- 

The first volume of the projected series of indexes is of singular 
interest. It consists of some 6,500 titles, comprising references to sepa- 
rate works and to articles in about 300 different periodicals. It includes, 
under the caption Periodicals and Transactions, an article on the serial 
literature of American history, which in some particulars supplements 
the very excellent list published by the New York Public Library in 
1898. Under the general headings History, study, writing and teaching, 
Historical societies, Bibliography ; under the geographical headings 
United States, Canada, Massachusetts, Virginia, Martinique, etc. ; under 
the period headings Colonial period, American Revolution, Civil War, 
etc. ; and under the special headings Education, Literature, Politics, 
Labor, etc., are numerous interesting references. Related subject head- 
ings are brought together in a classified index at the end of the volume. 
For example, under the heading American Revolution there is a ref- 
erence not merely to the same heading in the alphabetical list, under 
which there are some eighty entries, but also to eighteen other heads, 
such as Boston siege, Declaration of Independence, and Loyalists, under 
which there are twenty-five additional entries. This is sufficient demon- 
stration of the value of the contents of the work. 

As to its method — and, as the editors say, the book is first of all an 
essay in method — there must of course be some difference of opinion. 
In the first place, as to the aim of the work : Should it be made of gen- 
eral use ? and should it include references to general literature ? or should 
it be an index to historical literature merely, for the use of historical 
students? The greater economy with which the work could be prepared 
and consulted, and the desirability of conformity to the plans for an 
international bibliography of the historical sciences make the latter, and 
a strict interpretation of the aim of the work, perhaps, preferable. And 
by a strict interpretation we mean one that shall exclude the great mass 
of popular narratives and descriptions, which are of little use to the 
student of to-day and will be of less use to the student of tomorrow ; and 

208 Reviews of Books 

not only these, but the numerous descriptions of contemporary life and 
discussions of contemporary questions, which, although excellent material 
for the historian of the future, are of no value to the historian of the 
present and do not belong to a record of the historical activity of the 

The description of the literature included within the purview of the 
compilers exhibits two notable features : definitions of the subjects, and 
appraisement of some of the books listed. The first of these renders the 
work of value as a dictionary as well as a bibliography, and the combina- 
tion has its useful as well as its humorous aspects. But I am not sure 
that it is to be commended, and that, even in those cases where it has 
some use, better results could not be obtained by substituting a descrip- 
tion of the book for the definition of the subject. The second feature of 
the entries, above referred to, is the appraisement of some of the books 
listed. These appraisements consist for the most part of quotations from 
reviews, more or less authoritative and more or less rhetorical. The re- 
sult is interesting but somewhat disappointing. After reading a few 
pages of appraisement the felicitous phrases in common use among re- 
viewers begin to cloy. Sentiment, moreover, tends to take the place of 
fact. For example, one work is described as complete, while another 
more complete but less popular work is simply described as interesting — 
"interesting from cover to cover", the phrase is. After Price's Old 
Masters of the Blue Grass, the note is, "Has sympathetically recalled 
the lives of six artists", but who the artists were the note does not 
tell. Of the author of another work we are informed on the authority 
of one reviewer that he did not make much use of the sources and on the 
authority of another that he depended mainly upon them. The trouble 
with this method, indeed, is similar to that with the older historical 
method, diction and secondary sources are allowed to take the place of 
science and the original sources. In elementary bibliographical works 
this is no doubt desirable and even necessary, but in a scientific work for 
reference use this seems unfortunate, the more so that the proper descrip- 
tion of the literature listed is essential to its proper classification. 

And the classification of the literature listed is as important a point 
as its selection and description. This the editors recognize. " For the 
special student," they say, " the classed form is usually counted best ". 
Aiming at the instruction of the general reader, however, they have adopted 
in the present work the alphabetical subject form, with a classified index 
to supply in part the needs of the specialist. To speak frankly, this 
seems like putting the cart before the horse. Special bibliographies, like 
the International catalogue of scientific literature and like this, should be 
of most use to the specialist — indeed, their use by any one else should 
be discouraged. And to insure their use to the specialist they must be 
arranged as other scientific works are, by chapter and by paragraph, and 
indexed. In this way the literature relating to periods, to movements, 
and to institutions can be brought together as it cannot be either by 
duplication of entries or by a classified index. Students of American 

Minor Notices 209 

history and antiquities are not generally interested in horse chairs, in 
Kansas post-offices, or in Oregon literature, but many are interested in 
the vehicles of colonial times, in the postal system, in American litera- 
ture, and would prefer to see references to these subjects brought together 
in their logical place rather than scattered from A to Z. And unless 
one is to double the bulk of the work by duplication of entries, such an 
arrangement is necessary. For example, under the article Libraries in 
the classified index there are several entries referring to twenty-three 
different articles. But in the alphabetical list there are twenty-seven 
more of a similar character, among which are the most valuable contribu- 
tions of the year, Mr. Larned's history of the Buffalo library and Mr. 
Foster's history of the libraries of Providence. Finally, theie is this 
added advantage in a classified list, that classification requires a juster 
discrimination in the selection of material, and a more accurate descrip- 
tion of it. One may doubt whether such articles as Bananas and Sponges 
would have crept into a classified list, and whether a work described as 
one of the most entertaining and instructive recollections of the antislavery 
conflict would not have been indexed under slavery as well as under 

I have extended my remarks upon these questions of scope, descrip- 
tion, and arrangement partly because the editors invited discussion of 
these points, and partly because of the importance of the work itself. 
As I said above, the beginning of this series of annual indexes to the 
literature of American history is an event upon which American historians 
are to be congratulated. 

W. D. Johnston. 

A Short History of Ancient Peoples. By Robinson Souttar, M.A., 
D.C.L., with an introduction by the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A., D.D. 
(London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1903, New York, imported by 
Charles Scribner's Sons, 19.04, pp. xxiv, 728.) This is a useful com- 
pendium of the histories of Egypt, Babylonia, Assyria, the Medes and 
Persians, the Hebrews, Phoenicia, Carthage, Greece, and Rome ; of the 
712 pages of text somewhat more than one-half is given to Greece and 
Rome. The style is clear, the narrative smooth and interesting ; there 
are fourteen excellent maps and a tolerably good index. The history of 
each people is given separately ; this plan occasions some repetitions, a 
necessary result of the interconnections of the various histories, but the 
repetitions are generally helpful. The best part of the book is that 
devoted to Greece and Rome. In the early history of Egypt and the 
Asiatic peoples the author appears to be less at home and not very well 
acquainted with modern critical methods and results. The statement (p. 
26; that the mother of Amenhotep IV was a "princess of Northern 
Syria, and a worshipper of the solar disk" is incorrect. There is no 
"Egyptian legend of the Exodus" (p. 32) : the author entirely mis- 
conceives the stele of Merenptah in which the name "Israel" occurs; 

AM. HIST. HIV,, VOL. X. — 14. 

2 i o Reviews of Books 

this Israel is settled in Canaan, and the inscription says merely that the 
king destroyed its crops. An Elamite king, Kudur-Lagamar, is spoken 
of (p. 85) as if the name appeared in inscriptions ; but this is not the 
case. The description of Zoroastrianism (p. 147) is of the crudest, and 
in general the remarks on religious matters are of a primitive character. 
In regard to Hebrew political history the surprising statement is made 
(p. 206) that the Hebrew government was " republican in form, some- 
what comparable to that of the United States" ; the Hebrew monarchy 
was a despotism limited by revolt and assassination. It is hardly neces- 
sary to say that the Book of Daniel is not authority for the reign of 
Nebuchadnezzar (p. 97). The picture of Sparta (p. 353) does not do 
the city full justice. The unfortunate use of " transpired " for " occurred " 
is found on p. 656. In spite of these errors in details the volume is an 
excellent guide for the general reader. 

C. H. Toy. 

Keltic Researches : Studies in the History and Distribution of the 
Ancient Goidelic Language and Peoples. By Edward Williams Byron 
Nicholson, A.M. (Oxford and New York, Henry Frowde, 1904, pp. 
xviii, 212.) Mr. Nicholson's volume — partly a republication of earlier 
investigations and partly a continuation of them — deals principally with 
matters of philology, but certain historical considerations are involved. 
His main theses are the following : that Pictish was a Celtic language of 
the Goidelic branch, and the parent of modern Highland Gaelic ; that 
the Belgas also spoke Goidelic, and that the Belgic element in the British 
Isles was more wide-spread than has been hitherto supposed ; and finally 
that the Goidelic language was spoken on the continent " with more or 
less continuity from the Danube to the mouth of the Loire, and from the 
Tagus and the Po to the mouth of the Rhine ". In examining traces of 
the Belg;e in the British Isles Mr. Nicholson advances theories about the 
origin of the Manx Gaels and about the Firbolg of Irish legendary history ; 
and as a kind of corollary to his doctrine of the Pictish origin of High- 
land Gaelic he denies the usual statement that the Pictish kingdom was 
conquered by the Dalriad Scots. His historical conclusions, for the most 
part, stand or fall with his linguistic arguments, and these are bold in con- 
jecture, to say the least. The evidences for continental Goidelic are 
chiefly derived from a few inscriptions of which both the interpretation 
and the etymological analysis are extremely uncertain. The materials in 
hand must be regarded as too meager to afford a basis for any classifica- 
tion of Gaulish dialects. The data seem also insufficient, or at any rate 
remain too doubtful in character, for the settlement of the problem with 
regard to the insular Picts. The view has even gained acceptance of late 
that their language was not Indo-European, and Professor Rhys, working 
upon that theory, has tried to find in their vocabulary elements akin to 
the Basque. Mr. Nicholson has now restated the case for Celtic, and 
some of the arguments on his side are certainly hard to meet, though 
there are many difficulties in his interpretations of the inscriptions. For 

Minor Notices 2 1 1 

the rest of his doctrine, however — that Pictish is the direct source of 
Scottish Gaelic — he produces no evidence of importance. 

F. N. Robinson. 

Asser' s Life of King Alfred ; together with the Anna is of Saint Neots, 
erroneously ascribed to Asser. Edited, with introduction and commentary, 
by William Henry Stevenson, M.A., late Fellow of Exeter College. 
(Oxford, Clarendon Press ; New York, Henry Frowde, 1904, pp. cxxxi, 
386.) At last we have the long-sighed-for critical edition of Asser. It 
is not a disappointment. With the sure hand of the scholar Mr. Steven- 
son establishes and explains the text and defends its authenticity. That 
by dint of scholarship such certainty can be reached as to the true read- 
ing of a work whose one manuscript, itself corrupt, was long ago destroyed, 
and whose printed editions abound in alterations and interpolations, is 
most gratifying; but what especially gladdens the historian's heart is the 
cogent conclusiveness with which Mr. Stevenson brushes away the doubts 
that have assailed the authorship and the worth of the biography of 
Alfred. It was a happy thought to print in the same volume, for the use 
of the critical student, the worthless annals of Saint Neots, whence were 
drawn most of the interpolations which have discredited Asser's work. 
Mr. Stevenson's syntax, alas ! lags sadly behind his scholarship. His 
sentences, often clumsy to obscurity, are sometimes hopelessly am- 

G. L. Burr. 

The well-known work of Ferdinand Gregorovius on Lucretia Borgia 
has lately been published in English : Lucretia Borgia, translated from 
the third German edition by John Leslie Garner. (New York, D. Apple- 
ton and Company, 1904, pp. xxiii, 378.) Written from material that 
was almost all new, and by a scholar of keen human sympathies, this 
work was recognized, from its appearance in 1874, as a distinct and 
interesting contribution to knowledge of the Borgias and of Renaissance 
Italy. The translation, which reads well and seems faithful, repro- 
duces only the body of the original, together with small reductions of two 
of the three facsimiles accompanying it ; the appendix of one hundred 
sixty-eight pages, containing sixty-five of the principal documents used 
by Gregorovius, is omitted. On the other hand some twenty-five full- 
page illustrations are given in the English edition, adding at least to its 
popular interest; and there is a table of chapters, and an index — neither 
of which virtues marks the German volume. 

E. W. D. 

Beginnings of Maryland. By Bernard C. Steiner, Ph.D. [Johns 
Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 
XXI, Nos. 8, 9, and 10.] (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1903, 
pp. 112.) The beginnings of a political unit appeal to students of history 
with such a peculiar interest that an account of them, even though recited 

2 1 2 Reviews of Books 

in somewhat minute detail, is sure to attract more than mere local atten- 
tion, and accordingly we welcome the announcement in the introductory 
note of the monograph under review by a well-known writer on Maryland 
history that in the light of much new material he purposes to trace 
the Beginnings of Maryland "with the same minute care with which 
the citizens of Massachusetts have traced the beginnings of their 
Commonwealth ". 

It is especially upon the career of that picturesque personality and 
"evil genius", William Claiborne, in his relations both to the govern- 
ment of Maryland and to Cloberry and Company, that Dr. Steiner enter- 
tains his readers with new matter ; but he also carefully examines the 
incidents of the first voyage, the selection of a site for the first planting, 
the colonists' first experience with the red men, their first impressions of 
the soil, the climate, and the bounty of nature in fruits and game, the 
first trade for furs, fish, and other commodities, the procuring of the first 
domestic animals, the first granting of land, the early relations between 
Catholics and Protestants, the complaints and claims of such characters as 
the Jesuits and Cormvallis to the lord proprietor, the activities of the 
first three legislative assemblies, the legal proceedings of the first courts 
of justice, and the earliest relations between Maryland and Virginia. 

Dr. Steiner writes almost exclusively from material at first hand and 
cites copious references. Although he confines himself quite closely to 
the bare narrative, he at the same time makes his pages entertaining by 
manifesting a sympathetic spirit for most of the leading actors in the 
drama and a freedom from unfairness toward both friend and foe. Some 
of his readers, however, will wish that he had woven more of the frag- 
mentary items of his foot-notes into the narrative. 

N. D. M. 

White Servitude in Mary/and, 1634-1820, by E. I. McCormac 
[Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 
Series XXII, Nos. 3 and 4] (Baltimore, 1904, pp. 112), is the third of 
a series of monographs upon this important phase of colonial history. 
The first thorough investigation was made by Ballagh's White Servitude 
in the Colony of Virginia (J. H. U. Series XIII, Vols. 6 and 7, 1895 ) ; 
this was later followed by Redemptioners and Indentured Servants in Penn- 
sylvania. (Supplement to Yale Review, Vol. X, No. 2, 1901) by K. F. 

Dr. McCormac's work may be said practically to complete the his- 
tory of the institution of indentured service in America ; for Virginia, 
Pennsylvania, and Maryland were the three great servant-importing 
colonies. The three monographs agree in general conclusions, and, as 
might be expected, are somewhat similar in treatment. Yet a comparison 
shows differences existing in the different colonies. In Virginia the 
population was almost entirely English, and it is here that we must seek 
the origin of the institution ; in Maryland there was a greater infusion of 
Irish immigrants, and the convicts formed a larger proportion of the 

Minor Notices 2 1 3 

servant class ; Pennsylvania had a still more heterogeneous population, 
but the Germans predominated, while the industrial interests were less in 
slaves and tobacco than in the other two colonies. Furthermore, the 
land system in Pennsylvania, though used to encourage immigration, was 
not so intimately connected with the importation of servants as in 
Maryland. This is shown in the second chapter of the monograph, 
which is an excellent account of the early land system in Maryland and 
its intimate connection with the beginnings of white servitude. " Up 
to 1682 the distribution of land was based almost entirely upon the im- 
portation of servants. There was no such thing as the direct purchase of 
land from the proprietor. Each settler who came into the province re- 
ceived 100 acres of land, but if he wished more he could only obtain it 
by importing servants." 

The number and importance of the servants is shown in another 
chapter. The majority came from Great Britian, Ireland, and A^irginia. 
Of the original inhabitants, the ratio of servants to freemen is estimated 
at about 6 to 1. Gradually the number of freemen increases over that 
of servants, due, in a measure, to the constant addition of freedmen. 
Contradicting the statement of Fiske that the lives of servants were pro- 
tected only in theory, he states that " servants were protected in practice 
as well as in theory" (pp. 65-66) and cites court records to justify his 
statements. It is doubtful if, on the whole, the condition of the servant 
was as favorable as the chapter would indicate. However, he makes 
exceptions to his general statement, and a little later in the same chapter 
admits that between the extreme opinions as to their condition — and 
there were many — " a middle ground seems to be nearer the truth". 
A chapter on "Convicts" shows that Maryland "was especially the 
dumping-ground for English jails, and received more convicts than any 
other plantation on the centinent". The whole number of convicts 
from Great Britain and Ireland between 171 7 and 1775 is estimated at 
50,000. The conclusion, which is justified by the chapters preceding 
it, states the important part that the institution played in the industrial 
history of Maryland and its effect upon the servants and the colony. 

The work is based throughout upon original sources, largely from 
the archives of Maryland, contemporary letters, and pamphlets. Al- 
though without a proper bibliography, the monograph on the whole 
forms an important contribution to the literature upon this subject, and 
can be highly commended to the student of colonial history. 

Karl F. Geiser. 

The English Statutes in Maryland, by St. George Leakin Sioussat, 
Ph.D. [Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political 
Science, Series XXI, Nos. 11 and 12], (Baltimore, 1903, pp. in), is 
a study of arguments on a phase of the legal relations of mother-country 
and colony in an English proprietary province in which the theory of 
those relations early became a leading question of public law ; and Pro- 
fessor Sioussat has given the subject the close attention commensurate 

214 Reviews of Books 

with its importance. Unfortunately, however, his introduction to the 
matter is accompanied with a superfluity of verbiage. 

After noting very briefly the early practice in Maryland with respect 
to the English statutes, he tells of the decisions of English judges, the 
opinions of crown lawyers, and the popular attitude toward the question 
in the Carolinas, Pennsylvania, and Jamaica, showing in every instance 
cited — except that of the popular attitude of Jamaica, where the con- 
ditions were decidedly different — that the drift of the controversy was 
in the main counter to the contention of the popular party in Maryland. 
The heated discussions in Maryland, lasting from 1722 to 1732, is next 
passed in review, and the conclusion is reached that the popular party won 
the substance of its contentions. Then the study closes with an effort 
to discover the effect of the dispute on the later history of the province ; 
and here Professor Sioussat is pleased to find presented, at so early a 
day, the political theory of natural right and government by consent. 
The English of the book is unfortunately marked by a want of accuracy 
and precision in the choice of words and by a want of fluency in ex- 

N. D. M. 

Die Staatsumwalzung in Danemark im Jahre 1660. Yon John 
O. Evjen. (Leipzig, Emil Glausch, 1903, pp. 186.) The theme 
of this inaugural dissertation is the Danish revolution of 1660, by 
which the monarchy lost its elective character and was made heredi- 
tary and practically absolute. Up to the present time historians have 
generally agreed that this was the result of an action long and care- 
fully planned, the work of a conspiracy, the principal members of which 
were the king, the chief magistrate of Copenhagen, and the bishop of 
Zealand. Dr. Evjen, however, takes a radically different view : there 
was no conspiracy, no previous plan ; the whole movement was sponta- 
neous and rose out of the necessities of the situation. Angered by the 
refusal of the nobility to agree to reasonable economic reforms, the lower 
estates determined to humble the aristocracy by increasing the royal power. 
According to Dr. Evjen's understanding of the sources, this determina- 
tion dates from October 4 ; nine days later Frederick III was declared a 
hereditary monarch. 

The author gives a fairly sufficient summary of the political and 
economic situation in 1660, he traces the course of events through the 
autumn months of that year, and discusses fully the significance of the 
royal decrees that grew out of the action taken by the estates. But the 
really important part of his work is an excursus in which he discusses 
certain questionable sources from which writers have drawn at some time 
or other. One of these is Nils Slange's account of this event, which con- 
tains a document purporting to be a letter written by the king himself 
on September 26 to some of his associates in the plot. This letter has 
been accepted as genuine by reputable writers for more than a century. 
.As everything hinges on the authenticity of this document, the author 

Minor Notices 2 1 5 

makes a vigorous effort to show that it is merely a very successful forgery. 
It must be admitted that his analysis of the letter, as well as of the gen- 
eral situation at the time of its supposed date, reveals a thorough knowl- 
edge of the entire movement, and the reader will be likely to accept his 
conclusions. The argument is, however, not wholly convincing, and 
the part played by Frederick III in this event, so important to himself 
and to his kingdom, is still somewhat of a mystery. 

Laurence M. Larson. 

Books about Scotland written by Englishmen before the Union are 
not too numerous ; and among the best of them will now have to be 
included A Journey to Edenborough in Scotland, by Joseph Taylor, late 
of the Inner Temple, with notes by William Cowan (Edinburgh, William 
Brown). The book is not a reprint. It is from Taylor's original manu- 
script ; and the manuscript having been unearthed, it was certainly 
worth the care which has been given to it by the editor and the printer. 
Only a portion of it deals with Scotland ; for Taylor describes the towns 
and country he went through in this journey in 1705 from London to 
Edinburgh. There are many good pictures of social life in England two 
centuries ago, and here and there glimpses of some municipal conditions 
which are not to be found in histories of municipal England or even in 
the histories of the particular cities and towns which Taylor visited. He 
gives most attention to such conditions at York and Newcastle -on-Tyne. 
At Newcastle the municipality in the early years of the eighteenth century 
had a revenue of nearly ^10,000 a year, arising chiefly out of the sale 
of coal and the handling of ballast, "which makes it", Taylor states, 
" the most flourishing town in the North of England ". "They have", 
he adds, " a very advantageous proverb amongst them, which is, that they 
pay nothing for the Way, the Word, nor the Water ; for the Ministers 
are maintained, the streets paved, and the conduits kept up at the public 
charge of the Town". The mayor was allowed ^700 a year for hi s 
table, and an additional ^100 for entertaining the judges when they 
came on circuit to Newcastle. It is, however, the Scotch part of Taylor's 
narrative which gives it its principal value. Taylor was a barrister. He 
was in attendance as a visitor in the old Parliament House when it was 
determined to come into the Union, and when it was decided that the 
negotiations for the Union should be by commissioners, a form of pro- 
cedure which resulted in such advantages to Scotland ; and he sets down 
his notes of these historic proceedings with all the detail, precision, and 
care of a man trained in the law. Typographically the book shows 
Edinburgh printing in its highest excellence ; and it is perhaps because 
it is so beautifully printed that the edition is limited to 425 copies. 

E. P. 

Steps in the Expansion of our Territory. By Oscar P. Austin. 
(New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1903, pp. x, 258.) This 
volume is evidently intended as a summary of the "Expansion of the 

2 1 6 Reviews of Books 

Republic" series, in which it has been included. In little more than 
two hundred pages of coarsely printed text the author reviews the Span- 
ish, French, and English colonization of North America ; all of our 
wars, from the French and Indian War to the war with Spain ; all of our 
accessions of territory, from the Louisiana purchase to the cession of the 
Philippines ; the history of the controversies over public lands and 
slavery ; the organization of all of our territories and the admission of 
all of our states. It goes without saying that the attempt to cover so much 
ground in so small a space results in nothing more than a very superficial 
sketch. If such a sketch is needed, the present one could hardly be 
improved. If, however, the author had confined himself to his principal 
subject and devoted his entire space to the political considerations which 
have either secured or delayed the admission of the various states, he 
would have presented a body of material which has not been brought 
together and have made a useful book. 

The most serious error in the text is the confusion of the Floridas. 
Mr. Austin originally distinguishes correctly between East and West 
Florida, but later loses sight of the distinction, uses the terms in varying 
senses, and finally makes the wholly erroneous statement that " Spain sold 
West Florida to France in 1795 ". The reference to the charter of 
Georgia of a clause which it does not contain in the form quoted betrays 
his dependence upon secondary sources. The text is illustrated by over 
thirty maps, which fill about an eighth of the total number of pages. The 
text and maps repeat the errors in the author's report on "The Terri- 
torial Expansion of the United States", contained in the Summary of 
Commerce and Finance for September, 1901. These errors respect, first, 
the original division of the Northwest Territory; second, the boundaries 
of Michigan Territory as first established ; third, the extent of Indiana 
Territory, after the organization of Illinois Territory in 1809 ; and 
fourth, the status of the territory roughly conterminous with the present 
state of Wyoming, after the creation of Montana Territory. These 
errors were explained at length in a notice of Gannett's Boundaries of 
the United States printed in the Review for April, 1902. 

F. H. Hodder. 

In a translation by Mr. Arthur G. Chater, Messrs. Charles Scribner's 
Sons offer to American readers The Plot of the Placards at Rennes, 1802, 
by Gilbert Augustin-Thierry. (London, Smith, Elder, and Company, 
1903, pp. viii, 311.) The French original, Le Complot des Libelles, 
appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes, October 15-December 1, 
1902. Later it was issued as a volume with many confirmatory docu- 
ments, omitted in this translation. When the referendum concerning 
Bonaparte's life consulate was before the French people, placards incit- 
ing the army against him were printed at Rennes and mailed from Paris 
to officers throughout France. The movement was soon traced to Rennes 
and crushed. Whether it contained the seed of a serious danger to Bona- 
parte seems doubtful. Bonaparte wished to ascribe the plot to Moreau. 

Minor Notices 2 I 7 

Dubois, the prefect of police, convinced him however that it sprang from 
Bernadotte, a view in which the author concurs. The ostensible con- 
ductor of the conspiracy was Bernadotte's aide-de-camp, General Simon. 
Whether he acted on behalf of his chief, or, as he claimed, independently, 
was left at the time an open question and remains one still. Bonaparte, 
once the conspiracy was dead, lost interest ; and Fouche, already in dis- 
favor, feared to compromise himself in other directions if he brought 
home the plot either to Moreau, whom he suspected, or to Bernadotte. 
This work is the first of a series projected by the author on Conspirators 
and Police, and, aside from its narrower subject which it exhausts, it 
illustrates effectively these and kindred features of the Consular adminis- 
tration. Though based on research, the narrative is in popular style, 
and, well translated, it offers at once entertainment and instruction. 

H. M. Bowman. 

I Martiri Cosentini del 1844. Document! inediti. Per Stanislao De 
Chiara. (Milan, Albrighi, Segati e C, 1904, pp. xxxviii, 157.) Few 
episodes in the history of Italy's struggles for unity have been made 
known so fully by the publication of documents, both official and unof- 
ficial, as the insurrection of Cosenza and the heroic expedition of the 
Bandiera brothers of 1844. This episode was comparatively unimportant 
in the extent of territory affected and in the number of its victims, but in 
the retrospect of history it stands sublimely great in its moral influence 
and in the heroic patriotism of its leaders in a forlorn hope. Mazzini 
published extracts from the letters of the Bandiera brothers immediately 
after their summary execution in 1844. Guardione published a much 
larger collection of their letters in 1894, and Silingardi another collection 
in 1896. Storino in his La Sommossa Cosentina (Cosenza, 1898) gives 
many documents upon the insurrection of March 15, including the 
despatches of B. di Battifarano, intendente of Calabria Citra, drawn from 
the state archives of Cosenza. Bonafede in Sugli Avvenimenti de' Fratelli 
Bandiera (Naples, 1848) and Ricciardi and Lattari in Storia dei Fratelli 
Bandiera (Florence, 1863) give many important documents upon the 
expedition, trial, and execution of the Bandiera, and Conflenti, I Fratelli 
Bandiera (Cosenza, 1862), gives other important documents, including 
the correspondence of Donadeo, commissary of police in Cosenza. Now 
the documents of De Chiara, drawn from the state archives and the royal 
procura of Cosenza, and for the most part unpublished, may be said to 
complete the historian's evidence upon both the insurrection and the 
Bandiera expedition ; on the former De Chiara gives seventy-three docu- 
ments, on the latter thirty-two ; they consist in great part of the corre- 
spondence of Dalia, procuratore generate of the grand criminal court of 
Cosenza ; on the Bandiera expedition some of the documents are reports 
of Giovanni De Giovanni, royal judge in San Giovanni in Fiore. Dalia 
was a conscientious magistrate, and the moderation which characterized 
the fulfilment of his duties in 1844 appears clearly in his reports. They 
are exceptionally trustworthy and of the first importance. De Giovanni 

2 1 8 Reviews of Books 

appears in striking contrast to Dalia. His zeal against the insurgents was 
such that he wished to give himself the pleasure "of escorting the 
prisoners from San Giovanni in Fiore to Cosenza, marching with a musket 
on his shoulder at the head of the police " — peculiar conduct this for a 
judge, but worthily representing Bourbon justice, which rewarded him 
with the decoration of cavaliere of the royal order of Francis I. His 
reports illustrate perfectly the spirit of the justice which emanated from 

De Chiara's introduction had been previously published in the Rivista 
Storica del Risorgimento, III (Turin, 1900). It is of considerable inter- 
est, but is by no means a complete and definitive monograph such as it 
is now possible for a historian to write with these new documents at his 
disposal. The volume is published as number three in the fourth series 
of the Biblioteca Storica del Risorgimento Italiano, an important collection 
of monographs of which the publication had been suspended for two 
years, and has only now been resumed. 

H. Nelson Gay. 

Mr. Rollo Ogden's William Hickling Prescott, in the "American 
Men of Letters " series (Boston, Houghton, Mifflin, and Company, 1904, 
pp. x, 239), makes no pretentions to being anything more than an appen- 
dix to Ticknor's life of the historian. Mr. Ogden has had access to the 
Prescott family papers, including the long series of diaries and " Literary 
Memorandum Books ", and he prints extracts from these, from correspon- 
dence not used by Ticknor, and quotations from a wide variety of other 
sources relating to his subject. It is a welcome addition to the all too 
little material available in regard to the man who did more than almost 
any other in his generation to win recognition and respect for American 
literary effort in Europe. 

G. P. W. 

Seventy-five Years in Old Virginia, with some Account of the Life of 
the Author and some History of the People amongst whom his Lot was cast. 
By John Herbert Claiborne, M.A., M.D., lately Major and Surgeon of the 
Twelfth Virginia Infantry, etc. (New York and AVashington, The Neale 
Publishing Company, 1904, pp. xvi, 360.) These are the reminiscences 
of an original secessionist of Petersburg, Virginia. The author was in a 
position during the latter years of the war to see and hear much that would 
interest the historian and a good deal of what he saw and heard has been 
put into his book. He is unreconstructed and therefore views every- 
thing through partizan eyes ; yet he is not vindictive nor even unchari- 
table to the " real " soldiers whose business it was to conquer him. 

The chapters dealing with Petersburg just prior to the war, " Politics 
of the Ante-Bellum Period ", and the fall of Richmond and Petersburg, 
with the surrender at Appomattox, in which he had a part, are the most 
important. He was a member of the legislature in 1 859-1 860, and in 
describing his own share in the movement looking towards secession he 
says (p. 145) : 

Minor Notices 2 1 9 

But the position which I took, and which the Secessionists, one with 
me, assumed, seemed the only safe exit out of the difficulties which 
environed the State. It was reasonable and consonant with all experi- 
ence to say that the time to oppose any difficulty was in its inception, 
and that a bold, determined front, and a readiness for the fray, was the 
surest road to safety. Had the people of Virginia shown their unity of 
purpose, instead of division and instead of tampering with compromise, 
occasion would never have arisen for the exercise of armed resistance. 

Doctor Claiborne believes in and defends the caste system which 
slavery engendered, and he speaks of the ancient Southern civilization as 
follows : 

Capital did not seek to throttle labor, labor did not strike for pro- 
tection. There was no Socialist . . . the anarchist did not stand with 
pistol and stiletto ready to stab any representative of honest government 
in his way ... It is difficult for one who has witnessed the desolation 
of a country . . . who has seen the highest order of civilization, the 
structure of the bravest men and of the fairest women of all time, go down 
in a darkness upon which day can never again break; who has felt the 
steel in his own body and the iron in his own soul, to submit with meek- 
ness to it all, and to suffer in silence. 

While the author is thus uncompromisingly Southern, his work has 
decided value to the student of Virginia history, especially on its local 
side, and the two speeches made in January, i860, show well what his 
party, then in the minority in Virginia, decided to do. 

W. E. D. 

Custoza, 1866. Per Maggior Generale Alberto Pollio. (Turin, 
Roux e Viarengo, 1903, pp. 439.) The present volume is the first com- 
plete critical military study published in Italy upon this first phase of the 
Austro-Italian campaign of 1866. It is based largely upon published 
sources, and makes no contribution of new documents ; but it is an ex- 
cellent piece of work, exhaustive and profound in its examination of con- 
ditions and events, and impartial and frank in its criticisms. Pollio 
praises Austrian valor almost to excess and eulogizes most of the Austrian 
generals. Italy lost, he says, because of errors of direction, and for 
want of firmness or obstinacy. Her failure to scout thoroughly on June 
23 was fatal. Had the Austrian positions been known, the Italian troops 
would have been differently placed, and large bodies of troops would not 
have been out of action on the twenty-fourth. Had the battle been re- 
sumed on the twenty-fifth as Victor Emmanuel with his good sense 
wished, a great error would not have been committed. Archduke 
Albert strove for a tactical success. That this became a disaster for the 
Italians was not his merit but their fault. Pollio charges La Marmora 
with gross incompetence as commander-in-chief, and Delia Rocca with 
having completely failed to understand the situation. However, Brig- 
none acted "as a true general of battle", and Govone, Cugia, and 
others distinguished themselves for intelligence as well as for bravery. 

The volume in its moderation, its elevated patriotism, and its pro- 

220 Reviews of Books 

found knowledge of military science does high honor to the Italian army 
of to-day, in which Pollio holds the grade of major-general. The last 
word is for the future : " Let the day of supreme test come when and 
how it will. We believe that then a cry will recall the memories of the 
past, but will obliterate their sadness — the cry of victory ! " 

H. Nelson Gay. 

A biography of a member of an old English Catholic landed family 
usually has a peculiar interest ; for if it is well done it cannot fail to 
supplement Amherst's History of Catholic Emancipation. Amherst's was 
a labor of love, and he laid students of English religious, political, and 
social history under a debt for his two volumes. Still he could not cover 
the whole field, particularly on the social and educational sides ; and 
much new matter has come to light since Amherst published his history 
in 1886. The Memoirs of Sir Edward Blount, K. C.B. (edited by Stuart 
J. Reid and published by Longmans, Green, and Co., London and New 
York, 1902, pp. vi, 308) are consequently welcome from this and other 
points of view. Blount was for a short time in the diplomatic service ; 
but his working life was spent as a banker and railway director in Paris. 
English capital built the early French railways. They were equipped 
with English plant, and manned with English locomotive engineers. 
Blount was a director of railways so constructed and worked ; and perhaps 
the most generally valuable chapters of his reminiscences are those which 
show to what a great extent the railways of France were influenced by 
English control and English management. Blount was British consul in 
Paris during the siege, and not the least interesting part of his good- 
humoredly written memoirs is that which tells how he handled affairs 
after Lord Lyons, the British Ambassador, and the British military attache 
as well as the British consul, had deemed it expedient to betake them- 
selves out of the beleaguered city. 

John Addington Symonds ; a Biography. (New York, Charles Scrib- 
ner's Sons, 1903, pp. xxiv, 495.) The chief criticism made upon Mr. 
H. F. Brown's biography of Symonds, first published in 1895, was that 
it was too uniformly gloomy ; that while setting forth the picture which 
Symonds drew of himself in his diaries and letters and autobiography, it 
did not after all present him as he really appeared to those who knew 
him. This criticism, with others of less importance, Mr. Brown took 
into careful account when it became his duty to make revisions for a new 
edition, but decided that he at least could present no other portrait. He 
must leave the lines as already drawn, especially since those living con- 
versations in which Symonds seemed " youthfully enthusiastic, enthusi- 
astically youthful " were never recorded. So the second edition of the 
biography differs in no essential respects from the first. It appears now, 
however, in less expensive form, in one rather than two volumes, and has 
at the end, instead of the heraldic note and list of writings, an index. 

E. W. D. 


To the editors of The American Historical Review : 

I would not ask for a hearing in reply to the criticism of my History 
of the United States for Secondary Schools, which appeared in the July 
number of the Review, (IX, 792-794) if I did not find errors in it that 
do me injustice, and which I have no doubt that you will wish to correct. 
(1.) My "account of political development in Massachusetts Bay 
(pp. 65-66)" is said to be " crammed with errors", and the reviewer 
specifies four, represented as appearing in the following passage : 

At the outset, the general body of the "freemen" of the colony 
could exercise their political franchise only by being present at the meet- 
ings called the " general court." They elected the twelve "assistants 
provided for in the charter ;" the assistants elected the governor ; the 
governor and assistants made and executed laws. But in the second year 
of the colony the yearly election of the governor was taken from the 
assistants and given to the general body of freemen ; and in the third 
year a representative legislature was created, formed of deputies from 
each town. 

On these statements the reviewer remarks, first, that " the charter 
did not provide for ' twelve ' assistants, but for eighteen ", in which he 
is correct; my error is indubitable; but in the comment that follows I 
find my critic less accurate. He says : 

" At the outset " the assistants did not elect the governor — not until 
after a great unconstitutional usurpation, which is ignored in the account. 
The representative legislature was not created in the "third year" but 
in the fifth ; and it was not composed as stated by Mr. Larned. 

Now, the facts, as they appear in the Records of the Governor and 
Company of the Massachusetts Bay •, are these: At the first general court 
which assembled the whole company, held on October 19, 1630, 

It was propounded if it were not the best course that the freemen 
should have the power of choosing assistants when there are to be chosen, 
and the assistants from amongst themselves to choose a governor and 
deputy governor, who with the assistants should have the power of mak- 
ing laws and choosing officers to execute the same. This was fully 
assented unto by the general vote of the people, and erection of hands. 
(Records, I, 79.) 

As this action was on the occasion of the first meeting of the " general 
body of the freemen of the colony ", only four months after their land- 
ing, and as it was the first exercise of " their political franchise ", I claim 
strict correctness in my reference to it as being " at the outset " of the 
political development of the colony in Massachusetts Bay. 

At a meeting of the general court held May 9, 1632 (in the second 
year of the colony;, 


222 Comm 2im rations 

It was generally agreed upon, by erection of hands, that the governor, 
deputy governor, and assistants should be chosen by the whole court of 
governor, deputy governor, assistants, and freemen, and that the gover- 
nor shall always be chosen out of the assistants. {Records, I, 95. ) 

Relative to the creation of the representative legislature, the testi- 
mony of the colony Records is this : The colonists began to arrive in Massa- 
chusetts Bay during June, 1630. That was the beginning of the existence 
of the colony they came to found, and the third year of the colony ended 
in June, 1633. lam wrong, therefore, in stating that the representative 
legislature was created in the third year, and my critic is equally wrong 
in ascribing it to the fifth year ; for it was actually in the fourth year — 
on May 14, 1634 — that the first general court of delegates was held. At 
that meeting it was 

Ordered, that it shall be lawful for the freemen of every plantation to 
choose two or three of each town before every general court, to confer of 
and prepare such public business as by them shall be thought fit to consider 
of at the next general court, and that such persons as shall be hereafter so 
deputed by the freemen of [the] several plantations, to deal in their 
behalf, in the public affairs of the commonwealth, shall have the full 
power and voices of all the said freemen, derived to them for the making 
and establishing of laws, etc. (Records, I, 118.) 

Plainly this authenticates my statement of the composition of the repre- 
sentative legistature, and does not sustain your reviewer's contradiction. 

(2.) It is said by the reviewer that " The false idea that the Massa- 
chusetts Bay Company's charter was exceptional and liberal in character 
is strongly emphasized" in my account of it (p. 39). Against this 
construction of my treatment of the charter I appeal to the text. The 
single sentence that can seem to bear that emphasis is one which speaks 
of the charter as being " drawn in such terms that, by shrewd and bold 
management, a degree of independence which the king had not dreamed 
of was secured ". I think you will agree with me that those terms of the 
charter which made it possible for the "governor and company" to 
carry it to New England and establish their seat of government there had 
precisely the effect I described. 

(3. ) I appeal again to the text of my book against the statement that 
" 'English' ships, in the meaning of the Navigation Acts, are repre- 
sented as excluding colonial ships ". If my description of the naviga- 
tion acts (pp. 1 11-112J is faulty, it is because I have made no represen- 
tation whatever as to the meaning of the term " English ships ". 

(4.) Still further, I appeal to my own text for defense against a dis- 
paraging remark in the review, that " The great Intercolonial Committees 
[of correspondence] inaugurated by Virginia (p. 173) ought not to 
be confused in character or origin with the merely local committees 
within Massachusetts, or within any other colony ". I cannot discover 
such confusion, in the slightest degree. After mentioning the institution 
of the local committees of correspondence in Massachusetts, in Novem- 
ber, 1772, I have said that " A little later, in the spring of 1773, the 

Communications 223 

idea of the committees of correspondence was taken up in Virginia, and 
developed into an inter-colonial system of consultation and agreement "; 
and this is a statement of simple fact. 

(5.) I am unjustly represented by such a remark in the review as 
this: " Foolish as were the acts of the government of George III., we 
hardly expect in this day to hear a sober text-book apply to them the 
epithet of ' atrocious despotism ' ". Your readers will understand from 
this that I have so characterized " the acts of the government of George 
III." in some general way ; whereas the fact is that I apply the epithet 
"atrocious despotism " (p. 175) specifically and only to those acts of 
Parliament that were adopted for the punishment of Boston and Massa- 
chusetts after the doings of the " tea-party ". Mr. Fiske has character- 
ized those acts as "measures for enslaving peaceful and law-abiding 
Englismen", and as "edicts" that "one would naturally expect" 
"from the autocratic mouth of an Artaxerxes or an Abderrahman " 
(Fiske, The American Revolution, I, 98); and the latest English his- 
torian of the Revolution speaks of them as " bills for the restraint or the 
suppression of liberty", and as being a "baleful harvest", when they 
were passed (Trevelyan, The American Revolution, I, 186, 189). I 
judge that neither of these historians would find fault with my epithet. 

(6.) To my statement that, in 1775, " tne Scotch-Irish inhabitants of 
Mecklenburg County [N. C] adopted resolutions which are claimed to 
have been the first demand for independence that was uttered by any 
assembly of people", the critic objects that it " will countenance the ex- 
ploded legend ". Apparently he does not know that what has been 
" exploded" in the legend is not the fact of the adoption of such reso- 
lutions, but the claim that they contained phrases which Jefferson used 
afterward in drafting the Declaration in 1776. 

(7.) It is objected to my account of the conflict of 1 7 7 1 with the 
"Regulators" of the Carolinas, that the Regulators "appear as war- 
ring solely against ' royal ' authorities ". The Carolinas were crown col- 
onies, and the judicial and executive authorities in them which the 
Regulators resisted were " royal " authorities, strictly so ; and the source 
of the trouble with them was in the higher " royal " authority, exer- 
cised in England, where attempts by the provincial assemblies to redress 
the grievances of the " up country " settlers were hindered by the king 
and the privy council. 

(8.; Alluding to my remark that the Virginia Assembly of 1619 was 
" probably the first colonial legislature in the world since those of the 
ancient Greeks", the reviewer observes with some sarcasm of tone that 
it " flatters the Greeks and depreciates the later Romans and the very 
much later English colonists in Ireland". This intimates, of course, 
that my critic has sure knowledge of the existence in the Roman colonies 
of legislatures comparable with those of the English colonies in America ; 
but I beg leave to doubt his ability to produce good evidence of the fact. 
Greenidge says of the Roman colonies : 

224 Communications 

None of these communities of Roman citizens possessed a true civic 
organisation of its own. We cannot define the rights of their town- 
councils, we cannot assert the absolute non-existence of popular gather- 
ings for certain purposes ; but the absence of the imperiam and of a true 
judicial magistracy is clearly discerned. ( Greenidge, Roman Public Life, 

As for Ireland, it does not come legitimately within the category of colo- 
nies. It was a conquered country, occupied by some of the conquerors, 
and governed as a " lordship " of the English kings, until declared to be 
a kingdom, appertaining to those kings. 

On these points I find the criticism of my book by your reviewer 
erroneous and unjust to it. On some others I question the soundness of 
opinions expressed by the reviewer ; but I ask no space for discussing 
those. On the other hand, in several instances of inaccurate statement 
I stand corrected by the writer of the review, and am grateful to him for 
pointing them out. The Massachusetts charter provided for eighteen 
assistants, not twelve. It was not the "old royal charter of Rhode 
Island ", but legislation under it, that restricted the suffrage so long 
in Rhode Island. It was not in 1619, but in 1618, that the London 
Company gave the Virginia planters "a hand in the government of 
themselves ". It is not a correct use of terms to describe the Stamp Act 
as one imposing "a direct tax". It was not till March, 1787, that 
Washington consented fully to be a delegate to the Constitutional Con- 
vention. It was a plurality, not a majority of the second votes in 1789, 
that made John Adams vice-president. The Constitution did not 
" require ", but permitted Congress to prohibit the importation of slaves 
after 1808. My foot-note on the ordinance of 17S4 is inaccurate. I 
trust you will permit me to acknowledge these errors, and to express my 
thanks for the detection of them. 

Moreover, I wish to confess that your reviewer, in his characteriza- 
tion of myself and my work, rests his criticisms on a basis of truth. I have 
never been a teacher, and to call me a " historian " would be using that 
title, I admit, in too liberal a sense ; for I have not given to any partic- 
ular section of history the minute, close, searching, special study which 
produces the authoritative historian of that section, and which qualifies 
the teacher for exactness of teaching in some special field. My want of 
such a specialization of historical knowledge exposes me, no doubt, to 
small inaccuracies, of the kind noted by your reviewer, and sometimes, 
perhaps, to mistaken views ; and the consciousness of this would have 
deterred me from undertaking to prepare any text-book of history, if I 
had not seen reason to conclude that, when the specialists in particular 
fields of history put their knowledge into books, they labor under disad- 
vantages that differ from mine, but that may be quite as serious in the 
result. It seems to be very difficult for a writer whose mind is filled 
with the minutiae of a historical subject to see it in perspective, clearly, 
and to be able to present it effectively to readers and students, not in its 
details, but as a whole. I see evidence of this in text-books that, prob- 

Communications 225 

ably, have no such flaws as your reviewer finds in mine. Of the two 
kinds of defect, which mars a school-book more ? I may be wrong, but 
I would not willingly lose the commendation given to my book in the 
first six lines of your review, if I could escape thereby all the criticism 
that comes after. J. N. Larned. 

To the editors of the American Historical Review : 

In regard to the above communication from Mr. Larned I call atten- 
tion to the following points : 

( 1 ) After notice has been drawn to the matter, Mr. Larned reiterates 
that the " representative legislature " of 1634 in Massachusetts was com- 
posed of "deputies from each town". He even quotes from the 
Records to substantiate what might otherwise be considered merely a 
careless statement. Of course that " legislature " in fact was composed 
(1) of a necessary quorum, at least, of the "Assistants" (who were 
elected "at large") and (2) of the " deputies from each town." 
Moreover, the first element, which Mr. Larned omits, was in practice 
the controlling one for many years, and much important history turns 
upon the contests in the General Court between the Assistants and depu- 
ties. Mr. Larned' s extract from the Records is correct, but his interpre- 
tation of it is not — apparently because he does not connect it with the 
charter organization of the General Court and because he fails to get the 
historical connection between that and the organization in 1634. 

(2) As to the Mecklenburg Resolutions, Mr. Larned, to use his own 
words, " apparently does not know" that what has been exploded is 
just the claim he sanctions — that they constitute any kind of a demand 
for "independence". 

(3) Mr. Larned defends the passage in which he styles the Virginia 
Assembly of 1619 "probably the first colonial legislature in the world 
since those of the ancient Greeks ". He throws out the Roman colonies 
because their civic organization lacked the " imperium" and "a true 
judicial magistracy"! Does Mr. Larned hold, then, that the Virginia 
Assembly of 1619 had any power corresponding to the imperium, or that 
the settlers in any capacity at that time had "a true judicial magis- 
tracy"? If his objection throws out the Roman colonies, much more 
does it throw out his original statement. 

I wish to be brief ; and I take these points because they are suscep- 
tible of compact statement. I am confident that, with somewhat extended 
space, I could defend every other statement to which Mr. Larned objects, 
but I shall trespass no further upon your indulgence. 


Willis M. West. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 15. 


The twentieth annual meeting of the American Historical Association 
will be held in Chicago on December 28, 29, and 30, 1904. Most of the 
sessions will take place at the University of Chicago, headquarters being 
established in the Reynolds Club House. Apart from the business meet- 
ing there will be but six sessions, one each morning and each evening. 
The meeting will be held jointly with the American Economic Associa- 
tion and with the newly formed American Political Science Association. 
It will open on Wednesday morning with the inaugural address of the 
first president of the new society, Professor Goodnow of Columbia, after 
which the three societies will separate for their remaining sessions, except 
that those of Wednesday and Friday evenings will be joint sessions of the 
historians and economists. At the former, held in the hall of the Chi- 
cago Historical Society, the presidential addresses will be delivered before 
these two societies ; and there will be an exhibition of rare Americana 
from the libraries of Mr. Edward E. Ayer and the Society. The princi- 
pal feature of Thursday's sessions will be a group of round-table confer- 
ences upon topics of interest to teachers and to the workers in state and 
local historical societies. It is expected that railroad arrangements of 
the usual sort will be effected, with perhaps a special train from the 
east. Professor J. Franklin Jameson of the University of Chicago is 
chairman of the Committee on Programme and secretary of the Com- 
mittee on Local Arrangements, and may be addressed at 5551 Lexington 

The death of M. Auguste Molinier, which occurred rather suddenly, 
on May 19, brings a heavy loss to history. Beginning with his thesis at 
the Ecole des Chartes in 1873 he has written almost continuously, pro- 
ducing books and articles which will be of lasting service ; and since 
1893, when he became a professor in the Ecole des Chartes, he has been 
an especially useful teacher. The principal monument of his earlier 
scientific activity is his laborious and fruitful revision of the Histoire 
Generate de Languedoc, on which he spent the greater part of ten years. 
Of his later work, the most generally serviceable portion will be the 
Manuel des Sources de P Histoire de France au Aloyen Age, which he was 
happily able to finish, though the last fascicle and the index are not yet 
published. Of special moment among his other productions are Les 
Obituaires Francais au Moye.n Age (1887) and the Correspondance Ad- 
ministrative d' Alphonse de Poitiers, two volumes (1894, 1900) ; while 
readers of the Revue Historique will recall his admirable " bulletins " of 
publications relating to medieval France. Leaving life at not quite 
fifty-three, he had much work in hand — such as two volumes of obitu- 
aries of the province of Sens and a popular general history of France in 
the Middle Ages — and many plans still to carry out, not the least ot 


General 227 

them being a book on the communes of southern France. In the July 
number of the Revue Historique there is an appreciative account of the 
man and his work, by MM. Bemont and Monod. 

Several historical scholars of Germany have died recently, among 
them Professors Konstantin Hohlbaum, of Giessen, Ottokar Lorenz, of 
Jena, and Friedrich Schirrmacher, of Rostock. Professor Hohlbaum 
devoted himself chiefly to the history of the Hansa. He had a large 
part in the Hansisches Urkundenbuch, three volumes of which he com- 
piled himself, and he furthered in other ways the studies in this field, 
notably by his two volumes of inventories of sixteenth century acts in the 
archives of Cologne. It was announced some years ago that he would 
write a comprehensive history of gilds in western Europe, but this 
work, for which he had exceptional preparation, is now left to others. 
He was yet in his fifty-fifth year. Dr. Lorenz had a longer and more 
rounded career. After some years in archive work he became professor 
of history in the University of Vienna in 1862, and shortly afterward 
published his Deutsche Geschichte im xiii. und xiv. Jahrhundert and his 
Geschichte Ottokars ii. von B'dhmen. Among the numerous works he has 
produced since, one is necessarily of exceptionally general service, the 
manual of the sources of German history for the period following that 
covered by Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquelle?i im Mittelalter, 
from the middle of the thirteenth century, the third edition of which 
appeared in 1886— 1887. In these last years we have had his Kaiser 
Wilhelm und die Begriindung des Reiches 1866-1871 , according to writ- 
ings and communications of princes and statesmen that took part in it. 
He removed from Vienna to Jena in 1885. Professor Schirrmacher, also 
of the older generation, was one of the last survivors of the inner circle 
that gathered around Ranke ; and his writings, being chiefly concerned 
with great personalities, bear witness to his master's inspiration. He 
gained the attention of the learned world by his Kaiser Friedrich II, 
and afterward, when in the prime of his powers, produced Johann 
Aibrecht I., Herzog von Mecklenberg. In later life he was occupied with 
the Geschichte von Spanien, in the Heeren-Ukert-Lamprecht series. He 
had been in the faculty at Rostock for thirty-eight years. 

Frederick Alexander Inderwick, who died this summer, was one of 
those Englishmen who find time, notwithstanding their professional 
labors, to devote considerable attention to historical studies. An emi- 
nent lawyer, his Side-Lights on the Stuarts, The Interregnum, 1648— 
1660, and The King' s Peace ; a Historical Sketch of the English Law 
Courts, have made him known as a historian as well. 

It is proposed to erect within the precincts of Trinity College, 
Dublin, a statue as a memorial to the late W. E. H. Lecky. Contri- 
butions to this memorial may be sent to the " Honorary Treasurer, 
Lecky Memorial Fund," No. 36, Molesworth Street, Dublin, or to 
Henry C. Lea, 2000 Walnut Street, Philadelphia. 

Mr. C. H. Firth has been made Regius Professor at Oxford, succeed- 
ing Frederick York Powell. 

228 Notes and News 

Dr. Thomas Walker Page has been appointed Associate Professor of 
Mediaeval History in the University of California. 

Mr. Frederic Jesup Stimson has been elected Professor of Compara- 
tive Legislation, in Harvard University. 

Among other appointments we note : Dr. William Bennett Munro, 
formerly of Williams College, and Dr. Francis Samuel Philbrick, to be 
instructors in government at Harvard ; Mr. R. M. Johnston to be 
Lecturer on Modern Italian History at Harvard ; Dr. Guy Hall Roberts 
to be assistant professor of history at Bowdoin ; Dr. H. R. Shipman to 
be instructor in history at Dartmouth ; Dr. Everett Kimball to be in- 
structor in history at Smith ; and Dr. A. H. Shearer to be instructor in 
history at Trinity, Hartford. 

Harvard University has received the sum of $100,000, from the 
estate of Dorman B. Eaton for the establishment of the Eaton Professor- 
ship of Civil Government, to which Professor A. Lawrence Lowell has 
been elected. 

An announcement has been issued by the Germanic department of 
the University of Chicago concerning the Conrad Seipp Memorial 
German prizes, which are offered for the three best monographs on the 
subject : " The German Element in the United States with Special 
Reference to its Political, Moral, Social, and Educational Influence." 
The prizes are $3,000, $2,000 and $1,000. The monographs which 
may be written in either German or English, are to be handed in on or 
before March 22, 1907. It is expected that the monograph selected for 
publication will make a book of 800 printed pages and that it will be 
published under the auspices of the university. The judges are also 
authorized to buy essays on special topics such as " Emigration from the 
Palatinate to the United States." Full information can be obtained by 
writing to Dr. H. K. Becker, of the University of Chicago. 

Johns Hopkins University has awarded its John Marshall medal, for 
the best work in historical or political science, produced during the year 
by a graduate, to Professor Davis R. Dewey, in recognition of his Finan- 
cial History of tlic United States. 

Plans are under way for the formation of an American Bibliographi- 
cal Society at the annual meeting of the American Library Association, 
which will be held at St. Louis, commencing October 17. The Bibli- 
ographical Society of Chicago has chosen an organization committee of 
which Worthington C. Ford is chairman, and which will call a meeting 
of those interested in bibliography. 

An Archive Bureau has been organized in Stockholm, to be under 
the management of Dr. Rosman, in connection with the Royal Archives, 
and of G. Hedin. The cooperation of many of the ablest scholars in 
Sweden has been secured and the object of the bureau is to furnish infor- 
mation and material from libraries, archives and other sources, for his- 
torical, genealogical and statistical purposes. 

General 229 

The Educational Review for June contains a classified " Bibliography 
of Education for 1903" compiled by Isabel Ely Lord and James I. 
Wyer, Jr. The September number of the same periodical contains 
" The degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the United States ", by Edward 
D. Perry, a statistical and historical survey. 

Professor George P. Fisher's Outlines of Universal History is so well 
known that the revised edition which appeared lately needs here scarcely 
more than a mention. Corrections have been made, brief statements woven 
in here and there, reference lists freshened and additions made to the 
chapter on most recent history (New York, American Book Company). 

" In Success Among Nations the attempt has been made to initiate 
the reader into the psychological view of History, by giving, in outline 
and by means of a few illustrations, a birds-eye view of the human 
forces that have raised some nations to the glory of success, while their 
absence has prevented other nations from holding their own in the battle 
for historic existence." So runs the first sentence of the preface to 
a new volume by Emil Reich (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1904, 
pp. xi, 293). Having studied both "numerous books and historic 
'sources' ", and "about a dozen highly differentiated modern nations, 
each in its own country ", Dr. Reich makes bold, " after a resume of suc- 
cess in the past ", to try " to sketch the probable national successes of 
the future". He treats through eight chapters, of economic, political, 
intellectual and religious success , and then, through five more chapters, 
surveys in order, the Latin and the Slav nations, the Germans, Britain 
and the Linked States. 

Two new volumes in " The World's Epoch- Makers " have lately 
come to hand. In Descartes, Spinoza, and the New Philosophy, James 
Iverach, of the United Free Church College, Aberdeen, has set forth, on 
the basis of wide reading, the main ideas of each of these thinkers to the 
neglect of less important matters. Thus the more theological part of 
Spinoza's writings and the main part of his political philosophy has been 
left aside. In Rousseau and Naturalism in Life and Thought, by W. H. 
Hudson, first the story of Rousseau's career is retold, naturally with much 
succinctness, and then, with this to elucidate his writings, in the sec- 
ond part of the book is given a broad outline of Rousseau's philosophy, 
with an indication of the nature and direction of its influence. (New 
York, imported by Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903 and 1904 respectively) . 

Dr. Theodor Lindner, whose Weltgeschichte seit der Volkerwanderung 
has been noticed, so far as it has appeared, in the Preview, was recently 
made Rector of the University of Halle-Wittenberg. His inaugural ad- 
dress, on Allgemeingeschichtliche Entwickelung (Stuttgart and Berlin, J. G. 
Cotta, 1904, pp. 24), contains an uncommonly well expressed discussion 
of the relation between the forces of continuity and those of change as fun- 
damental in history. The recent development and successes of Japan fur- 
nish an interesting concrete text for the more abstract thinking. We note 
also, in the field of historical theory, " Le Probleme des Idees dans la 

230 Notes and News 

Synthese Historique, a propos d'Ouvrages Recents ", by H. Beer, in the 
April and June numbers of the Revue de Synthese Historique; "La 
Causalite dans la Succession " by A. D. Xenopol, in the June number of 
the same periodical; and " Geschichte, Volkerkunde und historische 
Perspektive ", by Friedrich Ratzel, in the Historische Zeitschrift 
(XCIIL, 1). 

The title of Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History, by 
Antonio Labriola, professor in the University of Rome, translated by 
Charles H. Kerr (Chicago, Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1904, pp. 
246), is not definitely descriptive. The translator explains in a preface, 
however, that this is an English version of a work published at Rome in 
1896, in which Labriola set forth socialist preconceptions in such a 
manner that his exposition has been held to mark a date in the history of 
socialism. There are two "essays", one commemorating the Commu- 
nist Manifesto of 1848, the other treating of " Historical Materialism ". 

Among recent evidences of interest in ideas associated with the word 
solidarity are two papers read before the Academy of Moral and Political 
Sciences and published, together with observations by several members 
of the Academy, in a special pamphlet : La Solidarity Sociale, ses Nou- 
velles Formules, by E. d'Eichthal ; La Solidarity Sociale conime Principe 
des Lois, by C. Brunot (Paris, Picard, 1903, pp. 155). These papers 
treat especially of the bearing of present conceptions of solidarity upon 
individual liberty. M. d'Eichthal sets forth that solidarity in the form 
of a principle of law is pregnant with collectivism ; M. Brunot endeavors 
to define the veritable doctrine of solidarity and maintains that it fortifies 
rather than menaces the libertv of individuals. 

A history of Rome during the later Republic and the early Princi- 
pate, in six volumes, by A. H. J. Greenidge, is announced by Messrs. 
Methuen, London. The first volume will cover the years 133-104 B. C. 

A revised edition of Myers's Ancient History is among the late text- 
book publications. The part of the work relating to the Orient has been 
almost wholly rewritten : the Greek and Roman parts have been based 
respectively on the author's texts on Greece and Rome; a fourth part 
has been added on "The Romano-German or Transition Age"; and 
the book has been improved by selected lists of references and topics for 
study, and by many new maps and illustrations. With all its changes, 
however, it still bears the distinctive features of the old well-known work 
(New York, Ginn and Company). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : W. S. Ferguson, The Oligarchic 
Revolution at Athens of the Year ioj 2 B. C. (Beitrage zur alten Ge- 
schichte, IV, 1); C. Callewaert, Les premiers Chretiens et F Accusation 
de Lese-Majeste (Revue des Questions Historiques, July). 

Modern Histoi'y 231 


A collection of texts relating to the history of Christianity has been 
undertaken by the house of Picard, Paris : Textes et Documents pour 
r Etude Historique du Christianisme, under the direction of P. Lejay and 
H. Hemmer. It will comprise such works and documents as are consid- 
ered most useful to students of the subject : the Greek texts and the 
most difficult Latin pieces will be accompanied by a French translation ; 
and the several numbers are to include no more than five hundred pages, 
each duodecimo, and are to be sold at no more than three-and-a-half 
francs. Eusebius's history, which opens the collection, is promised for 
this October. 

The Analecta Bollandiana, which long since rendered itself indis- 
pensable to every student of hagiographical questions, is now facilitating 
its use by giving an index to its first twenty volumes. This index is 
being published in installments, beginning in the third fascicle of vol- 
ume twenty-two, and comprises four parts; a simple table of contents of 
each volume ; an alphabetical index of saints ; an index of places and 
things; and an index of authors. There is in the current issue of the 
Analecta (XXIII., 2-3) a catalogue, with a number of appendices, of 
Latin hagiographical manuscripts in the public library of Rouen, by A. 

A new edition of Bryce's classic Holy Roman Empire, revised and 
largely rewritten, and containing two new chapters and three maps, is 
announced for fall publication by Messrs. Macmillan. 

An important work on the history of southern Italy and the Eastern 
Roman Empire from the accession of Basil I to the capture of Bari by 
the Normans, forms the ninetieth fascicle of the Bibliotheque des Ecoles 
Francoises d' Athenes et de Rome : " LTtalie Meridionale et 1' Empire 
Byzantine (867-1071) ", by J. Gay ; Paris, Fontemoing). 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: A. Cartellieri, Die Staufischen 
Kaiser und die Auffassung Hirer allgemeinen Politik (Neue Heidelberger 
Jahrbiicher, XIII j: E. Bertaux, Les Franc ais d' outre-mer, en Apulie et 
en Epire, au temps des Hohenstaufen d' ' Itahe (Revue Historique, July) ; 
G. Mollat, Jean XXII ( 131 6-1334) fut-il un Avare, I (Revue d'His- 
toire Ecclesiastique, July). 


A second volume has lately appeared in the great collection of docu- 
ments relating to the Council of Trent which has been undertaken by 
the Gorresgesellschaft : Diariorum, Actorum, Epistotarum, Tractatuum 
nova Collectio. T. IV. Actorum Ears Prima : MniumeJiia Concilium 
Praecedentia, Trium Priorum Sessionum Acta, prepared by S. Ehses 
( Freiburg, i. Br., Herder). 

Some students of military history may be interested in four volumes 
of manuscript in possession of the American Philosophical Society, at 

232 Notes and News 

Philadelphia, and described by Mr. J. G. Rosengarten in Vol. XLII of 
the Proceedings of the society: "The Earl of Crawford's ms. His- 
tory in the Library of the American Philosophical Society". The vol- 
umes contain journals and maps concerning voyages and campaigns of 
the years 1689 to 1739, materials which were drawn up by or at the 
dictation of John Lindsay, twentieth Earl of Crawford, and which were 
utilized, though only in large measure, for Rolt's Memoirs of the Earl. 
Noteworthy articles in periodicals : Ch. de la Ronciere, Les Routes de 
r Inde. Le Passage par les Poles et P ' Isthme de Panama ait Temps de 
Henri IV (Revue des Questions Historiques, July) ; A. Sorel, Les 
Allies et la Paix en 1813 (Revue des Deux Mondes, from July 1). 


Dr. A. C. Tilton has compiled, and published in the Wisconsin 
State Historical Societies " Bulletin of Information No. 21 ", A Descrip- 
tive List of the Works on English History in the Library of the Society 
(pp. 32). This list is selective, directing attention chiefly to works 
containing sources. The entire collection, it is estimated, numbers 
about fifteen thousand volumes. 

A useful bit of work has been done in Roman Roads in Britain, by 
Thomas Codrington, which was added recently to the series on "Early 
Britain", published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge 
(London, 1903, pp. 392). Resting on a combination of extensive per- 
sonal observations with the other sources of information, Mr. Codrington 
takes up each of the great roads in order, beginning with Watling Street, 
and traces its course, together with the courses of smaller roads closely 
connected with it, in detail and with as much certainty as the evidence 
available seems to him to permit. He accompanies his descriptions with 
small maps in the text and with a large map at the end, in which we ob- 
serve a number of differences from the map by Mr. Haverfield in the 
Oxford Atlas and from that on " Brittania " (revised by Mr. Haver- 
field) in the new Murray series : to mention but one case, in the matter 
of certainty as to the courses of roads between London, Colchester and 

A general review, by C. Petit-Dutaillis, of work relating to the his- 
tory of England in the Middle Ages was begun in the June number of the 
Revue de Synthese Historique. 

Professor Paul Vinogradoff, whose Villainage in England is known 
to every student of early English history, has written a sequel to that 
work, a volume on Growth of the Manor, which is announced for publica- 
tion this fall by Swan, Sonnenschein and Company. 

A society for the publication of Episcopal registers and of other 
ecclesiastical documents of importance for English history has been 
founded in England : The Canterbury and York Society, with the arch- 
bishops of Canterbury and York as presidents. The registers, some of 
which go back to the thirteenth century, have been little utilized so far, 
save those of Lincoln and London. 

France 233 

The articles in the English Historical Review for July comprise con- 
tinuations of Mrs. Armitage's " Early Norman Castles of England " and 
Professor Firth's " Clarendon's History of the Rebellion " ; also a short 
account of Charles I's pepper transaction with the East India Company 
in 1640, by William Foster, and a tribute to Frederick York Powell by 
one of his former students, R. S. Rait. 

The fifteenth century translation of the charters and deeds of God- 
stow Nunnery is being prepared for publication by the Early English 
Text Society, by the Rev. Andrew Clark. 

An important book on Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and 
Seventeenth Centuries, by G. Unwin, has been issued by the Oxford Uni- 
versity Press. The author has utilized the archives of several of the in- 
dustrial corporations of London. 

The Quarterly Journal of Economics for August contains a short arti- 
cle on " The Authorship of the ' Book of Husbandry ' and the ' Book of 
Surveying'," in which Professor E. F. Gay summarizes "this minor 
controversy" and adds some new items which he thinks strengthen the 
case for John Fitzherbert as against his brother, Sir Anthony. 

The series of "Historical Monographs" edited by F. P. Barnard 
and published, in London, by Messrs. Jack, begins auspiciously with a 
biography of Elizabeth's chief minister: William Cecil, Lord Burghler, 
by Augustus Jessopp. 

The first number of the papers of the Bureau of Historical Research 
of the Carnegie Institution is The Influence of Grenville on Pitt's Foreign 
Policy, IJ87-1798, by ¥,. D. Adams. 

The Office of Justice of the Peace in England in its Origin and De- 
velopment, by Charles Austin Beard, has been published as No. 1 of the 
twentieth volume of the Columbia University "Studies in History, 
Economics and Public Law ". 

A further series of the Diaries of Henry Grevi/le, edited by the 
Countess of Strafford (formerly Viscountess Enfield), is to be published 
by Messrs. Smith, Elder and Company. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : W '. R. Scott, Scottish Industrial 
Undertakings before the U?iion. I. (Scottish Historical Review, July); 
Walpole' s '■'History of Twenty-five Years", (Blackwood's Magazine, 
August); H. A. L. Fisher, The Last Generation : A Review of Weil- 
pole's "The Histoiy of Twenty-five Years" (Independent Review, 


MM. Picard et Fils, Paris, propose to publish a Collection de Cartu- 
laires, and thus, virtually, continue the now long interrupted series in 
the Documents Inedits. The new series is to begin with a bibliography 
of French cartularies, 'by H. Stein ; and the other numbers already ar- 
ranged for include the cartularies of the churches of Apt and Laon, of 
the abbey of Bonnevaux, the bishopric of Avignon, and Mont St. 

234 Notes and News 

Michel; also "La Paticarte Noire de Saint-Martin de Tours", and 
" Cartulaire Navarrais de Philippe III ". Publication is to begin as soon 
as enough subscriptions are received. 

The investigations and discussions which the recent work of Flach on 
Les Origines d /' ' Ancienne France was destined to arouse have definitely 
begun. Students of feudal France will be interested in a criticism, by L. 
Halphen, of one of M. Flach's chief points : " La Royaute Francais au 
XT Siecle ", in the Revue Historique for July. 

The concluding (twenty-fourth) volume of the folio series of the 
Receuil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France was issued this year. It 
contains, especially, administrative inquests of the reign of St. Louis. It 
will be recalled that this collection is being continued in a quarto series. 

Two of the articles of the July number of the Revue des Questions 
Historic/lies bear upon the history of Protestantism, on its Calvinistic 
side : " Proces de huit Eveques Francais suspects de Calvinisme ", by A. 
Degert, and "Les Eglisses Calvinistes du Midi, le Cardinal Mazarin et 
Cromwell ", by A. Cochin. 

The Bishop of Beauvais, M. C. Douais, has in his possession a com- 
plete manuscript copy of a "Relation" covering the mission of M. 
Toussaintde Forbin-Janson to Italy in 1673, performed at the request of 
Louis XIV, with the object of bringing about a reconciliation between 
the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cosmo III, and the Grand Duchess, Mar- 
guerite of Orleans. This document, M. Douais advises, contains many 
descriptions relating to Italy ; it could not be utilized by M. Rodocanachi 
for his volume of two years ago on the unfortunate Marguerite ; and it 
would not make such a bad figure among the literary works of the grand 
siecle. In order to make it known and if possible lead to its publication, 
he has lately brought out an account of the mission in which he gives 
considerable quotations from the "Relation": La Mission de M. de 
Forbin-Janson Eveque de Marseille, plus lard Eveque de Beauvais, aupres 
du Grand Due et de la Grande Duchesse de Toscane. In the same volume 
he includes forty-two new pieces relating to the mission, being a selection 
from a much larger number in which he wishes to arouse similar interest 
(Paris, Picard, 1904, pp. vii, 204). 

A collection of documents which will serve to clarify the history of 
early modern art in one of the principal centers of southern France will 
be found in a recent volume entitled L' 'Art d Toulouse : Materiaux pour 
servir a son Histoire du XV au XVI I I* Siecle, by C. Douais (Paris, 
Picard, 1904, pp. 214). These pieces were first published in the Revue 
des Pyrenees, rather out of the reach of most students, but are now easily 
accessible. They are drawn from the notarial archives of Toulouse, 
number in all eighty-eight, apply to the years 1452-1725, and offer in- 
formation on both religious and civil architecture, sculpture, metal-work, 
embroidery, and glass-painting. Their collector has not utilized them, 
save to suggest one conclusion : that art at Toulouse in the period of the 
Renaissance was rather indigenous than of Italian origin. 

Italy 235 

The Oxford University Press, which sent out a dozen years ago the 
Orators of the French Revolution, edited by H. Morse Stephens, now has 
in preparation a collection of documents on the history of the Constit- 
uent Assembly, drawn mainly from Paris newspapers of the period. 
There are to be two volumes, edited by L. G. W. Legg. 

The collection of documents on the history of public opinion at 
Paris which is being edited by M. Aulard attained lately to a second 
volume: Paris sous le Consulat, Vol. II (November 22, 1800, to April 
20, 1802) (Paris, Cerf). 

Professor Frank M. Anderson, of the University of Minnesota, has 
just brought out, through the H. W. Wilson Company, of Minneapolis, a 
collection of documents which will be welcomed by many teachers and stu- 
dents of modern French history : The Constitutions a?id other Select Docu- 
menls Illustrative of the History of France, iy8g-igoi. There are in all one 
hundred and thirty-seven numbers, many of which include several pieces. 

The second number in the series of publications of the Revue de 
Synthese Historique upon " Les Regions de la France" is devoted to 
the historical material pertaining to the Lyonnais. It is by S. Charlety, 
professor in the University of Lyons and editor of the Revue d' Histoire 
de Lyon. A brief introduction points out some of the difficulties and 
peculiarities of the history of this region owing to its lack of natural 
boundaries. The third number in the same series treats of Burgundy, 
and is by Professor Kleinclausz, of the University of Uijon. The first 
installment of it appeared in the Revue de Synthese Historique for June. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : R. Grand, Les Charles de Com- 
mune de la Ville d' Allanche (7 438-1 490) (Revue de la Haute-Auvergne, 
VI., 1) ; P. Grachon, Le Conseil Royal et les Protestants en i6pS. L' En- 
quete, la Questio7i de la Messe et le Role de Bdvil/e. I. (Revue Historique, 
July) ; W. Bracking, Zur For sc hung ilber die "Fiserne Afashe" (His- 
torische Vierteljahrschrift, July) ; Kaunitz, Memoire sur la Cour de 
France ( ij£2) (Revue de Paris, August 1, 15). 


A hearty welcome will be 'given to the new index of the Rivista 
Storica Italia na, from 1884 to 1 901, in two volumes, compiled by the 
editor of the Rivista, C. Rinaudo. It will render convenient the use of 
a periodical which has given such full indications of publications and 
such a collection of reviews as make it an indispensable organ to students 
of Italian history. 

We announce with pleasure that the publication of the new edition 
of the Muratori Corpus is renewed and promises to continue, at regular 
intervals, through the house of S. Lapi at Citta di Castello. Four new 
fascicles appeared recently, bringing the total number now ready to 
twenty-five. The work of revision, which includes much amplification 
and correction, is being carried on by a number of scholars, under the 
direction of G. Carducci and V. Fiorini. 

236 Notes and News 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : M. Guggenheim, Marsilius von 
Padua und die Staatslehre des Aristoteles (Historische Vierteljahrschrift, 
July); G. Bourgin, La Familia pontificia sotto Eugenia IV ( Archivio 
della R. Societa Romana, XXVII, 1-2) ; E. Rodocanachi, Le Marriage 
en Italie a £ Epoque de la Rennaissance (Revue des Questions Historique, 


A new volume (XXXI) has been added this year to the " Scrip- 
tores " series of the Monumenta Gernianiae Historica, and with it the 
size of this series is changed, happily, from folio to quarto. It contains 
writings of Italian provenance, edited by O. Holder-Egger. 

Dr. Georg Steinhausen, editor of the Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, 
has written a history of German civilization, that is now issuing, in 
fascicles, from the Eibliographisches Institut, Leipzig : Geschichte der 
deutschen Kultur. 

A systematically arranged list of books and treatises relating to the 
German universities is now appearing through the house of Teubner, 
Leipzig : Bibliographie der deutschen Universitdten. This list aims to 
include all pieces published to the end of the year 1899, and is divided 
into three parts, the first of which, of over eight hundred and fifty pages, 
is now ready. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals : M. Ritter, Wallensteins Erober- 
ungspldne gegen Venedig, i62g ( Historische Zeitschrift, XCI1I, 1); G. 
F. Preuss, Konig Wilhelm III, Bayern und die grosse Allianz iyoi 
(Historische Zeitschrift, XCIII, 2 ) ; A. Stern, Die Mutter des Freiherrn 
vom Stein und Lavater. Nach ihreni Briefwechsel (Historische Zeit- 
schrift, XCIII, 2) ; E. Wertheimer, Die Revolutionierung Tirols im 
Jahre 1813 (Deutsche Rundschau, July and August) ; H. Freiherrn von 
Egloffstein, Kaiser Wilhelm I. und Leopold von Orlich (Deutsche Rund- 
schau, June and August) ; F. Lorenz, Zur Geschichte der Zensur und 
des Schriftwesens in Bayern (Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, II, 3) ; Julius 
Kaerst, Theodor Monunsen (Historische Vierteljahrschrift, July). 


We received only lately a copy of G. des Marez's La Lettre de Foire 
a Ypres an XIII Steele, Contribution a I Etude des Papiers de Credit 
(Brussels, Lamertin, 1901, pp. 292), printed separately from volume 
LX of the " Memoires Couronnes et autres Memoires " published by the 
Belgian Royal Academy. This substantial contribution to the study of 
matters of money and credit followed the author's discovery, in the 
archives of Ypres, of a collection of some eight thousand documents, 
ranging between the years 1249 and 1291. Over one hundred and fifty 
of these pieces he publishes here, in justification of many conclusions 
relating partly to the extrinsic features of the obligatory papers used at 
Ypres in the thirteenth century and partly to the legal and economic 

America 237 

demands they satisfied. Since the papers in question witnessed a debt 
payable at such or such a fair, M. des Marez has denominated them 
" lettres de foire ", but it seems that he might better have termed them 
simply "lettres obligatoires ", or "reconnaissances". Students who 
make use of the work should consult, in connection therewith, the long 
and competent review of it by P. Huvelin, in the Revue Historique for 
September-October, 1901. In the Lettre de Foire and the more recent 
Organisation du Travail a Bruxelles an XV Siecle M. des Marez has 
begun a comprehensive work on commerce and industry in Belgium from 
the rise of the towns to the end of the old regime. 

The royal commission founded in Holland in 1902 for the purpose 
of offering centralized, efficient guidance in the publication of historical 
sources has already demonstrated its usefulness in an eminent manner, by 
producing a survey of the gaps now existing in the national historiog- 
raphy and indicating, for successive periods, the sources it is most 
important to publish in order best to fill these gaps : Overzicht van de 
door Bronnenpublicatie aan te vullen Leemten der Nederlandsche Geschicd- 
kennis (The Hague, Nijhoff, 1904, pp. ix, 103). 


Among the new books to which contemporary developments in the 
Far East lend special interest, we note Russia, her Strength and her 
Weakness, by Wolf von Schierbrand (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 
1904, pp. xv, 304, with two maps). The writer of it depends on infor- 
mation derived mainly from an extensive tour through European and 
Asiatic Russia and from "the best available and original resources, 
Russian by preference, and very largely official ' ' . From this and some 
other material he makes a study of the present conditions of the Russian 
empire — treating such matters as expansion, finances, industry, agricul- 
ture and the peasantry, church and morals, internal race strife, bureau- 
cracy — and contends, byway of forecast, " that by pursuing for another 
considerable length of time the present policy of foreign aggression 
and utter disregard of internal needs, Russia is on the road to national 
perdition ". 


Among the fall announcements not otherwise noted in this number 
of the Review, the following are of interest : By Macmillan : Reminis- 
cences of Peace and War, by Mrs. Roger A. Pryor ; The Declaration 
of Independence, "an interpretation and an analysis", by Herbert Fried- 
enwald ; Hakluytus Posthiunus ; or Purchas His Pilgrimes, in twenty 
volumes ; The Industrial Histoiy of the United States, by Katharine 
Coman. — By Houghton, Mifflin and Company : Autobiography, Memo- 
ries, and Experiences of Daniel Conway ; The Evolution of the United 
States Constitution and the History of the Monroe Doctrine, by John A. 
Kasson. — By A. S. Barnes and Company : a new and revised edition 
in two volumes of Barnes' Popular History of the United States. — By 

238 Notes and News 

G. P. Putnam's Sons: The Story of the United States, by Edwin Earle 
Sparks. — By A. C. McClurg and Company: Lahontan's New Voyages 
to North America, edited by R. G. Thvvaites ; Gass's Journal of the 
Lewis and Clark Expedition, edited by James K. Hosmer ; History of 
Negro Servitude in Illinois and of the Slavery Agitation in that State, 1719- 
1864, by N. Dvvight Harris. — By Fox, Duffield, and Company : first 
volume of Virginia County Records. — By the American Unitarian Asso- 
ciation : a new edition of The Works of William Ellery Channing, with 
a biographical and critical introduction by John W. Chadwick. 

The five volumes comprising "group I, — Foundations of the Na- 
tion ", in The American Nation edited by Professor A. B. Hart (Har- 
pers), are announced for immediate publication: they are European 
Background of American History, by E. P. Cheyney ; American Condi- 
tions of American History, by Livingston Farrand ; Spain in America, 
by E. G. Bourne ; England in America, by L. G. Tyler, and Colonial 
Self- Government, by Charles M. Andrews. 

The first volume of Professor Edward Channing's History of the 
United States is announced by Macmillan. The entire work is to be 
completed in several volumes, and marks the first attempt, since the be- 
ginning of Bancroft's work, on the part of a scholar of reputation to pro- 
duce an extended comprehensive and critical study of the entire period, 
commencing with the early voyages. The first volume extends to 1660. 

The first volume of The United States : a History of Three Centuries, 
by William Estabrook Chancellor and Fletcher Willis Hewes (Putnam's 
Sons), has just appeared. It covers the years 1607-1697. It is divided 
into four parts — population and politics, war and conquest, industry and 
commerce, and civilization. 

A History of the Military Government in Newly Acquired Territory 
of the United States, by David Yancey Thomas, in the Columbia Univer- 
sity Studies, is a timely work in an important and interesting field. 

The Department of Justice, its History and Functions, by James S. 
Easby-Smith (Washington, Lowdermilk, 1904), is the only historical and 
descriptive sketch of the Department of Justice yet published. Mr. 
Easby-Smith is the pardon-attorney of the Department of Justice, and 
has prepared an exhaustive history of the department, soon to be pub- 
lished, of which this little volume is but a much abridged fore-runner. 
In its forty-seven pages, however, a brief sketch of the office of Attorney- 
General from 1789 to 1904, and accounts of the history and duties of 
each office and bureau in the department since 1870, the date when the 
Department of Justice was established, are to be found, while an appendix 
contains lists of the principal officers of the department, since the estab- 
lishment of their respective offices, together with the dates of their terms 
of service. 

The Library of Congress has published during the summer several 
reference lists compiled under the direction of Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, the 

America 239 

chief bibliographer. A List of Works relating to the Germans in the 
United States, contains over two hundred entries, covering colonial settle- 
ments, as well as modern migrations, but excluding biographies of dis- 
tinguished Germans. A List of Books {with References to Periodicals) 
relating to Proportional Representation, contains about 120 book references, 
many of them amply annotated, with something over ninety references 
to articles in periodicals, scattered through the years from 1835 to date. 
Some titles on direct legislation and apportionment are included, but the 
initiative and referendum are not touched upon. The introduction, by 
Mr. Griffin, is a brief historical review of the literature of the subject. 
The List of References on the Popular Election of Senators, is a reprint, 
with additions, of Senate Document 404, Fifty-seventh Congress, first 
session, which was compiled by the Library, and has an appendix con- 
taining the debates in the Federal Convention on the election of senators, 
and extracts from the Federalist. 

The Library of Congress has issued as No. 5 of its " Notes for the 
Louisiana Purchase Exposition " a brief general description of the prin- 
cipal historical collections in the Division of Manuscripts. Among the 
more important recent accessions, not heretofore noted in the Review 
are the Van Buren papers (about 10,000 pieces); the Andrew Johnson 
papers (all later than 1861, about 15,000 pieces) ; the Webster papers, 
being the 2,500 manuscripts selected for biographical purposes and not 
included in the New Hampshire Historical Society's collection ; the papers 
of Commodore Edward Preble ; the Ambler manuscripts, relating to 
Jamestown, Virginia, and vicinity, 1649-17 74; the Robert Morris 
papers ; papers of David Porter and John Barry ; and the Spanish and 
Mexican archives from Santa Fe. 

A list of the Papers of James Monroe " in chronological order from 
the original manuscripts in the Library of Congress " is already in press, 
as is also a list of the Vernon- Wager MSS. The Vernon-Wager manu- 
scripts were obtained in the Peter Force purchase of 1867, and relate to 
British naval operations in the West Indies and on the coast of North 
America, about the time of the Revolution. Three facsimile reproduc- 
tions will accompany this latter list, while with the former will be included 
a facsimile of Monroe's journal of the negotiations for the purchase of 

Another and very important publication which the Library of Con- 
gress has under way is the Journals of the Continental Congress, edited by 
Worthington C. Ford. The first volume, covering the year 1774, is 
about to appear, and Mr. Ford has already issued separately "Biblio- 
graphical Notes on the Issues of the Continental Congress, 1774", re- 
printed from the forthcoming volume. 

An eight-volume series on "The American State", under the editor- 
ship of W. W. Willoughby, is announced by the Century Company. 
Three volumes are already published : The American Constitutional Sys- 

240 Notes and News 

tern, by the editor, City Government in the United States, by F. J. Good- 
novv, and Party Organization, by Jesse Macy. The remaining five are 
announced as being in active preparation ; they are The American Exec- 
utive and Executive Methods, by J. H. Finley ; American Legislatures 
and Legislative Methods, by Paul R. Reinsch ; The American Judiciary, 
by Simeon E. Baldwin ; Territories and Colonies, by W. F. Willoughby ; 
and Local Government in the United States, by John A. Fairlie. 

Les Etats-Unis au XX" Steele, by Pierre Leroy-Beaulieu (Paris, 
Armand Colin) is mainly descriptive ; the work of a statistician chiefly 
interested in the industrial phases of American life. 

Archer Butler Hulbert has under preparation a series of photographic 
reproductions of maps relating to x\merica. The first volume will con- 
sist of about fifty maps of rivers, from the British Museum. Maps of 
towns, fortifications, battlefields, etc., will be included in subsequent 
volumes, and the series will be called The Crown Collection of Historical 

"Wig New York Public Library Bulletin for June and July contains 
Parts I and II of " A selected list of works in the New York Public Library 
relating to Naval History, Naval Administration, etc.". 

In an article on the " Voyages of the Cabots and of the Corte-Reals 
to North America and Greenland, 1497-1503 ", contributed by Mr. H. 
P. Biggar to the Revue Hispanique, for the latter half of 1903, the Cabot 
voyages are set in a new light. The phrase " E al tornor aldretto a visto 
do ixole " in Pasqualigo's despatch of August 13, 1497, is shown to 
mean merely " and on his way back he saw two islands ", not " two 
islands to starboard ", as many have supposed. In his first voyage of 
1497, Cabot is made to land at Cape Breton. As to the second voyage 
Mr. Biggar shows that the " Cape Labrador ", referred to by Gomara, 
was Cape Farewell, and that the region explored by Cabot in 1498, and 
named by him Labrador, was the east coast of Greenland. Since neither 
the Cabots nor the Corte-Reals in their voyages of 1500-1502, explored 
Davis Strait, they took that body of water to be merely a gulf. When, 
then, the Zeno map appeared in 1558, giving Greenland under its own 
name, the identity of the old Labrador with Greenland was forgotten. 
The article is illustrated with reproductions of twelve old maps. 

We have received the first volume of The Writings of Samuel Adams, 
edited by Harry Alonzo Cushing (Putnam's Sons). It covers the period 
1 764-1 769, and contains much valuable material, notwithstanding the 
fact that many of Adams's papers have been destroyed. The work will 
be completed in two or three more volumes and will receive an extended 
review in a later number. 

We understand that the manuscript index to the official papers, in 
European archives, relating to the American Revolution, has been at last 
completed, through the efforts of Mrs. Stevens and Henry John Brown, 
her late husband's partner. This index, which includes the documents 

America 2 4 1 

in the English archives and private collections in Great Britain, and in 
Spanish, French and Dutch archives, comprises 180 folio volumes of 500 
pages each ; it is in three series : the first, of fifty volumes, gives the list 
of documents in the order they occupy in the archives; the second, of 
one hundred volumes, is chronological and descriptive, while the third, 
in thirty volumes, is alphabetical. 

The Government Printing Office is publishing a facsimile of Thomas 
Jefferson's compilation, The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth, Ex- 
tracted textually from the Gospels in Greek, Latin, French and English. 

Dr. Ellis P. Oberholtzer is preparing for George W. Jacobs & 
Company an edition of the Diary and Writings of Robert Morris. The 
collection will include the important papers in the John Meredith Read 
; ' letter books ", lately acquired by the Library of Congress, and letters 
preserved in other libraries, private and public. But a few of them have 
ever been published, and they will throw much new light upon the his- 
tory of the Revolution. There will be several volumes, taking the form 
of a memorial edition, to be issued upon the centennial anniversary of 
the death of the long-neglected patriot. 

Letters from an American Farmer, by John Hector St. John Creve- 
coeur, reprinted from the original London edition of 1782, with a prefa- 
tory note by W. P. Trent, and an introduction by Ludwig Lewisohn, has 
been published by Fox, Duffield and Company. This is the only edition 
that has appeared since the Philadelphia reprint by Matthew Carey in 

The Revue Historique for July-August contains an article of more 
than usual interest to students of American history: " Une Page peu 
connue de l'Histoire de France: la Guerre Franco-Americaine (1798- 
1801)", by George-Nestler Tricoche. It is pointed out that during 
" ce curieux incident diplomatique " France lost about ninety vessels of 
all kinds and a total of 700 guns. 

In the Monthly Bulletin of Books added to the Public Library of the 
City of Boston, for August, is "A List of Regimental Histories and Offi- 
cial Records of Individual States in the Civil War", to be found in the 
Boston Public Library. 

In the series of "American Crisis Biographies " (George W. Jacobs 
and Company, Philadelphia) the first volume to appear will be Abraham 
Lincoln, by the general editor, Ellis P. Oberholtzer. Sherman, by Ed- 
ward Robbins, and Frederick Douglass, by Booker T. Washington, will 

The United Service, for July, has reprinted from its first series " Con- 
federate Documents relating to Fort Sumter ". The documents are from 
the records of the Executive Council of South Carolina, January 5-April 
10, 1861, and consist of resolutions and decisions of the council and of 
correspondents with agents in Washington and the south. There is an 
introduction by Montgomery Blair. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 16. 

242 Notes and News 

A biography of Edwin M. Stanton, by Frank Abial Flower is to be 
brought out by the Saalfield Publishing Company. It is said to contain 
some new material. 

The fifth volume of James Ford Rhodes' s History of the United States 
from the Compromise of /Sjo, soon to appear (Macmillan), commences 
with a recapitulation of the events of the Civil War, as far as 1864, and 
ends with the elections of 1866. 

Numbers IV and V of " West Virginia University Documents Relat- 
ing to Reconstruction ", edited by Professor Walter L. Fleming, appear 
together. They contain "Public Frauds in South Carolina", "The 
Constitution of the Council of Safety" "A Local Ku Klux Constitu- 
tion", and "The '76 Association". 

An interesting picture of local and domestic life in a New Hampshire 
town of the eighteenth century is contained in The Diary of Matthew 
Patten, recently published by the town of Bedford. Patten was a justice 
of the peace in Bedford from 1751 to his death in 1795, and was also at 
various times judge of probate, representative to the general court, and 
member of the governor's council ; the diary covers the years 1754-1788. 

In Old-Time Schools and School Books (Macmillan) Clifton Johnson 
has brought together a great mass of curious and interesting information 
about early school buildings, appliances and text-books in America. 
Illustrations in the form of facsimiles are lavishly scattered thoughout the 
text and the volume is a distinct contribution to our knowledge of this 
important, but obscure phase of social history. The schools of Massa- 
chusetts receive a large share of the author's attention. 

Starting with the premise that "Boston is a state of mind", M. A. 
DeWolfe Howe, in Boston, the Place and the People (Macmillan), en- 
deavors to illustrate the spirit of the New England metropolis, to show, 
by an account of its history, its personages and its institutions, just what 
elements make up the mental state called by its name. The book is 
largely historical; chapters on "Foundation and Early Vears", "Colonial 
Boston", "Provincial Boston" and " Revolutionary Boston ", narrate 
events, but particularly describe leading characters. In " The Hub and 
the Wheel" the beginnings of Boston's shipping are described, while 
other chapters take up certain phrases of Boston life and history, such as 
" ' The Boston Religion ' ", "The ' Literary Center ' ", "The Slave and 
the Union ". 

In the Essex Institute Historical Collections for July is an article by 
Robert S. Rantoul on "The Date of the Founding of Salem", which 
he believes to be about 1626, instead of 1630, the date given in the 
Manual of the General Court. 

Half a Century with the Providence Journal, " being a record of the 
events and associates connected with the past fifty years of the life of 
Henry R. Davis, secretary of the company", issued by the Journal 
Company, is neither a history of Rhode Island or Providence, nor acorn- 

America 243 

plete history of the Providence Journal ; but the fifty years covered have 
seen a revolution in the methods of journalism, and all the stages in this 
forward movement are adequately narrated. Much attention is given to 
the men who have made the paper, and to the influence upon its devel- 
opment exercised by Brown University. 

A list of all the imprints (books, pamphlets and newspapers) from the 
seventy printing presses established in Connecticut between 1709 and 
1800, has recently been published by the Acorn Club. This bibliogra- 
phy was prepared some twenty years ago by the late Dr. J. H. Trumbull, 
first librarian of the Watkinson Library, at Hartford. Along with it is 
a biographical sketch of Dr. Trumbull by Miss Annie E. Trumbull. 
The list contains 1,738 entries; it shows fewer political pamphlets of 
the Revolutionary period than might be expected, but gives twenty-six 
newspapers between 1755 and 1800. 

The New York State Historical Association held its sixth annual 
meeting at Lake George, commencing August 16. One session was de- 
voted to a symposium on "The Battle of Bennington-Walloomsac ". 
Papers were read by Professor Herbert D. Foster, Nelson Gillespie, 
Robert R. Law, William O. Stillman and George G. Benedict. 

Dodd, Mead and Company published in the spring John Peter Zen- 
ger, by Livingston Rutherford. This volume contains an account of 
Zenger's press and trial, and a bibliography of his imprints. A reprint 
of the first edition of the trial, as well as a number of portraits and fac- 
similes is also included. 

The third and fourth volumes of The Ecclesiastical Records of the 
State 0/ New York, translated from the Dutch under thedirection of Dr. 
E. T. Corwin and published by the state, have recently appeared. They 
cover the period between 1701 and 1750, and contain not only the trans- 
lated records, but many others arranged under the direction of Mr. Hugh 
Hastings, the state historian. 

The second volume of Documents Relating to the Revolutionary His- 
tory of the State of New Jersey, edited for the New Jersey Historical 
Society by Francis B. Lee, covers the year 1778. It is composed of 
newspaper clippings, arranged chronologically. Many of these clippings 
are of value, as, for example, Washington's letters describing the Battle of 
Monmouth published in The Pennsylvania Packet ; others are curious, as 
advertisements relating to slaves, school announcements, the weather 
record, etc. 

The opening article in the July number of The Pennsylvania Mag- 
azine of History and Biography is " George Washington in Pennsylvania ", 
the address delivered before the University of Pennsylvania on " Uni- 
versity Day ", by Governor Samuel W. Pennypacker. In " A great Phil- 
adelphian : Robert Morris ", Dr. Oberholtzer states the importance of the 
financier's services, gives a brief sketch of his life, and, through extracts 
from his recently accessible writings, presents an entertaining picture of 
his personality. A second installment of letters from Jefferson to Charles 

244 A T otes and News 

Wilson Peale, contributed by Horace W. Sellers covers the years 1805- 
1809. The thirty letters are chiefly concerned with Jefferson's attempts 
to secure a satisfactory " Polygraph " or writing machine. 

The eighth volume of Proceedings and Collections of the Wyoming 
Historical and Geological Society (Wilkesbarre, 1904) contains two note- 
worthy historical contributions, "Count Zinzendorf and the Moravian 
and Indian Occupancy of the Wyoming Valley, 1 742-1 763 ", by Dr. F. 
C. Johnson, and "The Reminiscences of David Hayfield Conyngham, 
1750-1834 ", edited by Rev. Horace E. Hayden. 

"The Harmony Society. A Chapter in German American Culture 
History" is running in the German American Annals. The August 
number contains an account of the interesting industrial community of 
Economy, Pennsylvania, during the years 182 5-1 868. 

The articles in the South Atlantic Quarterly for July. cover a broad 
field, but there are several of historical interest. "Theodore Mommsen : 
His Place in Modern Scholarship", by William Kenneth Boyd, is an 
appreciative sketch of nine pages. In "Maryland in the Revolution ", 
Dr. Bernard C. Steiner furnishes a eulogistic account of the way in 
which that state supplied its quota of men for the Revolutionary army. 
The article is evidently a by-product of his work as editor of the Muster 
Rolls, in the Maryland Archives. W. G. Brown contributes a brief 
review of "Senator Hoar's Reminiscences". Dr. AValter L. Fleming 
has an unique article on "Industrial Development in Alabama During 
the Civil War ", in which he gives an account of the " Military Indus- 
tries", "Private Manufacturing Enterprises", "Salt-Making", etc. 
The expedients resorted to in order to obtain nitre for the manufacture 
of gunpowder remind one of stories of the Napoleonic wars. 

The most interesting contribution in Publications of the Southern History 
Association for July is the "Journal of James Auld, 1765-1779 ". The 
document is rather fragmentary but contains an entertaining account of 
travels in Maryland and a good deal of genealogical material. The 
" Reconstruction Document " printed in this issue is a letter from Judge 
David Noggle to Senator J. R. Doolittle, May 30, 1862, discussing, 
among other matters, the emancipation of the slaves. 

The Domestic Slave Trade of the Southern States, by Winfield H. 
Collins (Broadway Publishing Company, New York), is a brief treatment 
of the subject, with full references to the original and secondary material 

The Government Printing Office has recently put forth the second vol- 
ume of Glenn Brown's History of the United States Capitol. It deals chiefly 
with the additions made to the capitol since 1850 and with the great 
improvement of the grounds under the late Frederick Law Olmstead, 
and includes an account of the works of painting and sculpture in the 
building and grounds, a list of all the innumerable appropriations made 
for the capitol by Congress, biographies of the architects, engineers 

America 245 

and superintendents employed, and a bibliography of the building. 
Thus is brought to a close a remarkable and authoritative work of no little 
interest. The first volume was issued in 1900. 

The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography for July is com- 
posed wholly of continuations, with the exception of the "Census of 
Gloucester County, 1782-83", the first installment of which is com- 
municated by Edward Wilson James. 

The Political History of Virginia during the Reconstruction Period, 
by Hamilton James Eckenrode, is a recent addition to the " Johns Hop- 
kins Studies ". 

The William and Mary College Quarterly for July prints a first in- 
stallment of " Extracts from the Diary of Col. Landon Carter." Col- 
onel Carter lived at "Sabine Hall" on the Rappahannock and left a 
very minute diary of his plantation life. The extracts in this number 
cover the year 1770. The other contributions to the July Quarterly are 
chiefly continuations. 

Aside from continuations the July issue of The South Carolina His- 
torical and Genealogical Magazine contains a genealogical account, by 
Theodore D. Jervey, of the Hayne family of South Carolina, in which 
is included a brief biographical sketch of Robert Y. Hayne. 

The Mississippi Department of Archives and History has just pub- 
lished the first Official and Statistical Register of that State. This Reg- 
ister is to be issued every four years ; this first volume, an octavo of 700 
pages, constitutes a useful and valuable manual of the history and govern- 
ment of Mississippi. Biographies of state and national officers are in- 
cluded as well as a summary of Mississippi history from De Soto to the 
present time. 

Among the Louisiana exhibits at the Louisiana Purchase Exposition is 
Loicisiana Writers, a list some sixty pages long, compiled by Thomas P. 
Thompson, of the writers, both "native and resident, including others, 
whose books belong to a bibliography of that State ". The titles of the 
works of these writers are included. 

Under the title Documents relating to the Purchase and Exploration 
of Louisiana, Houghton, Mifflin and Company have just brought out, in 
a handsome volume, two hitherto unpublished documents. The first of 
these, " The Limits and Bounds of Louisiana " , by Thomas Jefferson, is of 
comparatively little value, but the second, the journal of an exploration of 
the Red, the Black, and the Washita Rivers, in 1804, by William Dun- 
bar, is of considerable interest for the light it throws on the social con- 
ditions of the peoples encountered. The manuscript of this document 
was given to the American Philosophical Society in 18 17. A map is 
included, as well as portraits of Jefferson and Dunbar, but most unfortu- 
nately the publishers saw fit to omit an index. 

A Brief History of the Louisiana Territory, by Walter Robinson 
Smith (The St. Louis News Company, 1904) consists of four lectures 

246 Notes and News 

delivered before the Washington University Association on the Mary 
Hemenway Foundation. It is not based so much upon original sources 
as upon secondary material, but is a convenient summary of the history 
of the region included in the Louisiana Purchase, from the original dis- 
covery of the Mississippi by De Soto to the erection of the various states 
formed out of the territory acquired from Napoleon. 

The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association for April con- 
tains the "Journal of the Permanent Council (October 11-27, 1835)" 
edited from "Records, Volume I., Archives of Texas", by Eugene C. 
Barker. The " Journal of Stephen F. Austin on His First Trip to Texas, 
182 1 " presents an interesting picture of the country and conditions of life, 
and contains a good deal about Indians. " Concerning Philip Nolan ", 
is a collection of letters by Thomas Jefferson, Daniel Clark, James Wilkin- 
son and William Dunbar, from the archives of the Department of State, 
relative to this leader of this " first Anglo-American invasion of Texas ". 
They are dated between 1798 and 1801. 

Of most general interest in The " Old Northwest' 1 Genealogical 
Quarterly for July is "Captain James Duncan's Diary of the Siege of 
Yorktown ", contributed by W. F. Boogher of Washington. Captain 
Duncan was in Colonel Moses Hazen's regiment of Canadians, known as 
" Congress Own". He was an educated man and a good observer; the 
entries, some of which are very full are from October 2 to 15 inclusive. 

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin has completed its series 
of indexes to its records, for 1849 t0 I 9oi. The last index, prepared by 
Mrs. Mary Elizabeth Haines, is to the Proceedings from 1874 to 1901. 

The Iowa Journal of History and Politics for July contains four maps 
illustrative of the boundary history of Iowa, with historical comments by 
Benjamin F. Shambaugh. In the same number is " A Bibliography of 
Iowa State Publications for 1898 and 1899 ", by Margaret Budington. 
This is the second installment of what will become a complete bibliogra- 
phy, the publication for 1900 and 1901 having been listed in the Journal 
for July, 1904. 

Among the contents of Annals of Iowa for July, we note: "The 
Louisiana Purchase in Correspondence of the Time", letters selected by 
Dr. William Salter, from printed material ; "The Charge at Farmington ", 
by Col. Charles C. Horton ; and "Transplanting Iowa's Laws to Ore- 
gon", by Dr. Frank I. Herriott. 

Mr. Reuben Gold Thwaites continues his series of " Early Western 
Travels" (Arthur H. Clark Company), with volume IV, Cuming's 
Tour to the Western Country, 1807-1809. Fortescue Cuming was an 
Englishman who had purchased land in Ohio, and who desired to look 
over his property. He went on foot from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, 
thence by boat on the Ohio to Maysville, and from there through Ken- 
tucky. Afterwards he went down the Mississippi as far as Bayou Pierre, 
and then visited West Florida. Mr. Thwaites says of his narrative "In 

America 247 

a plain, dispassionate style he has given us a picture of American life in 
the West . . . that for clear cut outlines and fidelity of presentation has- 
the effect of a series of photographic representations . . . We miss en- 
tirely those evidences of assumed tolerance and superficial criticisms that 
characterize so many books of his day recounting travels in the United 
States ". Volume V contains Bradbury' s Travels in the Interior of Amer- 
ica, 1809— 1811. John Bradbury was commissioned by the Botanical Soci- 
ety of Liverpool to make researches into plant life in the United States. 
He arrived at St. Louis in 1809, made several excursions from there and 
then joined the overland Astorian expedition. Returning down the Mis- 
souri he went to New Orleans in charge of a boat laden with lead, and 
from there travelled somewhat in the southwest. The interest of Brad- 
bury's account is chiefly for the region west of the Mississippi ; he met 
Daniel Boone and John Colter, observed closely life among the Indians, 
Spanish influence, and other conditions. Volume VI contains Brack- 
enridge' s Journal up the Missouri, 18 11, and Tranchere's Fovage to the 
Northwest Coast, 1811-1814. 

In two copiously illustrated volumes, bearing the title The Trail of 
Lewis and Clark, 1804-1904 (Putnam's Sons), Mr. Olin D. Wheeler 
has brought together a great wealth of information regarding the history 
and route, as well as the personnel of this first great overland expedition. 
His opening chapter contains a survey of the Louisiana Purchase and its 
subsequent development ; next comes an account of the origin and or- 
ganization of the expedition, followed by sketches of the leaders in it, 
which contain much information relating to their later careers. A full 
narrative of the journey of the expedition compiled from the journals of 
Floyd and Gass as well as of Lewis and Clark, and interspersed with 
detailed discussions as to the location of disputed points, is included, as 
is also much supplementary archaeological and ethnological information. 

In the Boston Evening Transcript, for September 7, is an account by 
R. W. Child of the great collection of books, documents and manuscripts 
left by the late Adolph Sutro, of San Francisco, which, since the death 
of its owner, intestate, has been involved, together with the rest of the 
property, in litigation, and hence wholly inacessible. Among these 
treasures thus hidden for the last seven years is reported to be a very 
large collection of manuscripts and old chronicles from Mexico, which 
should be of great value for Mexican and California history, as well as 
for Aztec and Indian ethnology, and the doings of the Jesuits in the 

We note a new edition of Labor Evangelica de los Obreros de la Com- 
pania de Jesus en las Islas Filipinas, by Le P. Francisco Colin (three 
volumes, Paris, 1904). 

A seventy-six page edition of the Toronto Globe was published on 
July 2, to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the paper's founding. 
Especial attention is given to the political, social, and economic develop- 
ment of the Dominion. 

248 Notes and News 

The Brazilian Legation at Washington has sent us Brazil and Bolivia 
Boundary Settlement; containing the treaty signed at Petropolis, Novem- 
ber 17, 1903, the report of Baron Rio Branco, Minister for Foreign 
Relations of Brazil, and two large scale maps. 

Noteworthy articles in periodicals: A. G. Bradley, The Fight for 
North America (running in The Canadian Magazine); George F. 
Hoar, Rufus Putnam (Independent, July 7); Albert Perry Brigham, 
The Geographic Importance of the Louisiana Purchase (Journal of 
Geography, June); John Greenville McNeel, American Prisoners at 
Dartmoor (Harper's Magazine, September); A. T. Mahan, The War 
of 1812 (Scribner's Magazine, July and September): Ulrich B. Phil- 
lips, The Plantation as a Civilizing Factor (Sewanee Review, July) ; 
Washington in Wartime, from the journal of Ralph Waldo Emerson 
(Atlantic, July); Louise W. Wright, Memories of the Beginning and 
End of the Southern Confederacy (McClure's Magazine, September); 
Grover Cleveland, The American Government in the Chicago Strike of 
i8p4 (Fortnightly Review, July); John Bassett Moore, Freedom of the 
Seas (Harper's Magazine, July); Brig. Gen. George B. Davis, Judge 
Advocate U. S. A., International Law, its Past and Future (Harper's 
Magazine, September); M. le marquis de Barral-Montferrat, La Doctrine 
de Monroe, concluded (Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique, July): Vize Ad- 
miral z. D. Valois, Monroe-Doktrin und Weltfrieden (Deutsche Revue, 
July) ; James Hannay, The Settlement of Nova Scotia (Canadian Magazine, 
August); D. Pedro Torres Lanzas, Re/acion descriptiva de los Mapas 
Pianos, etc. , de las antiguas Audiencias de Panama, Santa Fey Quito, 
existentes en el Archivo General de Indias (Revista de Archivos, Bibli- 
otecas y Museos, May). 

Volume X~\ January, igoj. [Number 2 


%imaam Ifiiitorual %mm 

5= V_J so 




THE interest of France in the Mississippi valley extended over 
nearly two centuries. It falls into three main periods : ( 1 ) 
the unsuccessful attempt to outrival England as mistress of this 
region in the struggles of the colonial era ; ( 2 ) the alliance with the 
United States in order to disrupt the British empire in our War for 
Independence; (3) the efforts to render the United States subservi- 
ent to France and to rebuild French power in the interior of North 
America, ending with the cession of Louisiana. There is a striking 
continuity in the efforts of France to unite the fortunes of the region 
beyond the Allegheny mountains with those of the province of 
Louisiana and to control the Mississippi valley. This she desired 
to do, as a bar to the advance of England ; as a means of supplying 
the French West Indies ; as a lever by which to compel the United 
States to serve the interests of France ; and as a means of promoting 
French ascendancy over Spanish America. France recognized that 
the effective boundary of Louisiana must be the Allegheny moun- 
tains, not the Mississippi river. 

It is desired here to present some of the evidences of this policy, 
to exhibit the various forms which it took at different periods, and 
to explain the causes that affected the desire of France to control 
this important region. As will appear, the problem was a part of 
the larger problem of successorship to the power of Spain in the 

1 This paper makes free use of two articles by the present writer, published in the 
All.mtic Monthly for May and June, 1904, under the title, " The Diplomatic Contest for 
the Mississippi Valley." The principal purpose of this paper is to furnish the necessary 
citations for some of the assertions made in these articles and to consider more fully the 
French side of these diplomatic intrigues. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 17. (249) 

250 F-J' Turner 

New World, but the specific forms that French policy assumed were 
more immediately dependent upon the Louisiana question. 

The suggestion made by France in the peace proposals of 1761, 
that a barrier country, or Indian reservation, should be formed 
between Louisiana and the Allegheny mountains, exhibits an early 
form of her desire to prevent the encroachments of English-speaking 
people into the valley, 1 and the use to be made of the Indians as a 
means of holding this region open to the purposes of France and 
Spain, closely allied in the family compact of that year. The re- 
fusal of England and the final defeat of the allies led to the readjust- 
ment of 1763, by which France yielded her American possessions 
east of the Mississippi to England. She ceded New Orleans with 
the province of Louisiana to Spain. 2 The cession of Florida to 
England by Spain left the Gulf of Mexico divided between these 
last-named powers. Doubtless France yielded the province with- 
out keen reluctance, for it had been an unprofitable possession ; 
but the intimate connection between Spain and France seemed to 
make the transfer something less than an absolute relinquishment. 

The English policy with regard to the interior must certainly 
have been acceptable to her recent enemies, for, by the proclamation 
of 1763, the king reserved the lands beyond the Alleghenies to the 
Indians, and declared that until the crown was ready to extinguish 
the Indian title, lands should not be patented within that area, nor 
settlers enter it. Although the Indian line was changed by pur- 
chases, and the colony of Vandalia was all but organized at the 
opening of the Revolution,* yet, when France had to determine her 
attitude toward the United States. at the outbreak of that war, the 
trans- Allegheny region was still, in the eyes of the English law, 
almost entirely Indian country. 

It is impossible here to review the connection of France with the 
colonies during the Revolution ; but some of the essential features of 
the policy of Vergennes must be stated in order to understand later 
events, and to perceive the continuity of French policy. 

There was published in Paris, in 1802, a Memoire historique ct 
politique sur la Louisiane, par M. de Vergennes} This document 

1 Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, 416. 

2 See the important paper, based on Spanish documents, by Dr. William R. Shep- 
herd, in Political Science Quarterly, September, 1904 (XIX, 439-458), " The Cession 
of Louisiana to Spain." 

3 G. H. Alden, New Governments WestoftheAlleghanies, Bulletin of the University 
of Wisconsin, Economics, Political Science and History Series, II, 19 ff., 38 ff.; V. 
Coffin, The Province of Quebec and the Early American Revolution, ibid., I, 398-431. 

4 There are copies in the library of Harvard University, in the Library of Congress, 
and in the Wisconsin State Historical Library. John Quincy Adams notes in his diary 

Policy of Fi'ance toward the Mississippi Valley 251 

was found, according to the statement of its editor, among the min- 
ister's papers after his death, with his coat of arms at the head of 
the memoir. It is not known whether this memoir is to be found in 
the French archives, and, without further proof of its authenticity, 
doubts may be raised concerning it. Nevertheless, apparently both 
French and American bibliographers have accepted its genuineness. 1 
The memoir was written prior to the alliance of 1778, and it includes 
not only a survey of the resources and history of Louisiana, but also 
an examination of the proper policy for France toward the United 
States, in the event of the independence of the latter power. Appre- 
hending that the new republic would prove harmful to the interests 
of France and Spain in America, Vergennes (assuming that he was, 
indeed, its author ) advised the king to insist, in the treaty which 
France expected to dictate to England at the conclusion of hostilities, 
that the territory beyond the Alleghenies and east of the Mississippi 
should revert to herself. He contended that this territory was 
properly a part of Louisiana, and not rightfully to be claimed by 
the American colonies under their charters. To carry out this idea 
he proposed the plan of a treaty to be imposed upon England at the 
termination of the war. This provided for the cession to France 
by England of the trans-Allegheny territory and for such a partition 
of Canada as would insure Louisiana from attack by way of the 
Great Lakes. The proposed boundaries were outlined in the docu- 
ment. 2 The territory thus to be acquired was to be joined with 

(IV, 126) in 1818 that de Neuville, the French minister to the United States, " returned 
the Memoir of Count de Vergennes upon Louisiana, which he had some time since bor- 
rowed of me ". 

1 In his Voyage a la Louisiane (Paris, 1802), 4-5 Baudry des Lozieres, influenced, 
possibly, by the apprehension of a competing account of Louisiana, expresses doubts of 
the authenticity of this memoir in the following passage : 

" Mais instruit que la Louisiane allait nous etre rendue, je me ressouvins de mes 
notes, et je travaillais a en tirer quelque parti pour la chose publique, quand parut un 
ouvrage intitule : Memoires de M. de Vergennes, ministre des affaires etrangeres. Je le 
lus d'abord rapidement ; je le parcourus de nouveau, et je m'en voulais a moi-meme de 
ne pas le trouver digne de son auteur. Enfin, apres l'avoir bien examine, je me decidai 
a croire que le nom de l'auteur etait suppose. Si M. de Vergennes a quelque part a ces 
memoires, ce n'est que pour tres-peu, et le reste est d'une obscurite telle qu'il est impos- 
sible d' avoir, d' apres cette lecture, une idee nette de la Louisiane. 

Cependant je dois dire que celui qui a ete sur les lieux, supplee aisement a ce qui 
manque a ces memoires, et que ce qu'on y voit n'est obscur que faute d' avoir ete redige 
par une personne qui connaisse l'objet qu'on traite. Neanmoins cet ouvrage n'est pas 
sans merite pour l'homme d'etat ; et quel que soit celui qui se cache sous le nom impo- 
sant de M. de Vergennes, il ne rend pas moins des services par plusieurs de ses vues qui 
sont tres-sages. Persuade que ces memoires ne pouvaient faire de tort a mon projet, je 
continuai mon travail, et ce que je vais dire n'est que le developpement des notes que 
j'avais deja prises dans mes voyages." 

2 The substance of this project is as follows {Memoire, 108-114) : 

Article I. England shall restore to France all the conquests which she made in 

252 J 7 - J- Turner 

Louisiana, which, he proposed, should be retroceded to France. 
Thus a revived French colonial empire would be created on both 
banks of the Mississippi, reaching to the Great Lakes and dominating 
the Gulf of Mexico. He warned the king that when the people of 
the United States once obtained their independence, they would not 
rest content with having defended their own hearth-fires, but would 
desire to expand over Louisiana, Florida, and Mexico, in order to 
master all the approaches to the sea. On the other hand, if France 
possessed the Mississippi valley, the Great Lakes, and the entrance 
to the St. Lawrence, and if she allied herself with the Indians of the 
interior, she could restrain the ambitions of the Americans. Such 
were the proposals of this interesting memoir. 

It is obvious that, if the work was that of Yergennes, M. Doniol 
has omitted an essential document for understanding the connection 

North America during the last war. Article II. France shall reserve Louisburg and 
other specified areas about the mouth of the St. Lawrence and to the north. Article 
III. The English are forbidden to fortify within ten leagues near the eastern coast of 
Nova Scotia, etc. "Art. IV. Que la France rentrera aussi en possession de toute la 
partie occidentale du Canada, a la reserve du pays concede a l'ouest des montagnes 
Apalaches ; c'est-a-dire, le pays des Iroquois, les terres et rivieres au sud de l'Ohio et de 
son cours, depuis ses sources jusqu'a la Riviere-Neuve inclusivement ; dans lequel pays 
les Anglais ne pourront non plus conserver, ni avoir d'autres fortifications, que le fort 
d'Osvego, sur la riviere Chouagen, ni sur l'Ohio, que celui qu'ils ont bad a la place du 
fort du Quesne. Art. V. La France conservera pour bornes au nord du pays des Iro- 
quois et de la Nouvelle-Yorck, la riviere a la Plance et le lac du Saint-Sacrement, et a 
l'ouest le lac Ontario et le lac Crie [Erie], avec la propriete de toutes les terres et ri- 
vieres au nord de l'Ohio, ainsi que la propriete du pays au sud de cette riviere ; c'est-a- 
dire, des terres et rivieres au-dessous, et depuis la Riviere-Neuve exclusivement jusqu'a 
1' embouchure de l'Ohio dans le Mississipi. Art. VI. Que pour prevenir les discus- 
sions que pouraient occasionner entre les sujets de sa majeste Tres-Chretienne et ceux de 
sa majeste Britannique, la trop grande proximite de leurs etablissemens, dans cette patrie, 
les Francais ne pourront en aucun temps et sous aucuns pretextes, construire ni batir 
aucuns forts sur la Belle- Riviere, entre ses sources et l'embouchure de la Riviere-Neuve, 
qui se degorge a cent quatre-vingts lieues au-dessous du fort du Quesne, n'y etablir les 
terres qui se trouvent entre le lac Crie [Erie] et la rive septentrionale de l'Ohio, depuis 
la riviere Casconchiagou jusqu'a l'embouchure de la riviere Souhiato ; c'est-a-dire, que 
toute cette etendue de pays restera inculte, inhabitee et en desert. Art. VII. Qu*afin 
neanmoins que la France puisse mettre ses sujets et ses possessions a l'abri et a couvert 
des incursions des sauvages, cette couronne conservera, de son cote, le fort de Catarakoui, 
ou Frontenac sur le lac Ontario et le fort de Niagara, au nord du lac Crie, comme aussi 
le droit de se fortifier dans les autres limites, lors et ainsi qu'elle le trouvera a propos. 
Art. VIII. II sera libre a toutes les nations et peuples sauvages, sous quelques domi- 
nations qu'ils soient, de changer a leur volonte de domicile, et de se retirer et de s'etab- 
lir suivant leurs gouts et leurs caprices sur les domaines de l'Angleterre ou de la Prance, 
sans qu'aucune de ces deux puissances puisse jamais y porter obstacles ou s'en formaliser. 
Nota. Cet article est fonde sur l'amour de la liberte, inne chez tous les sauvages, et Ton 
ne peut, sans injustice, leur oter le droit primitif de propriete sur les terres oil la provi- 
dence les a fait naitre et places." Article IX. Freedom of the Indians to trade with 
either power, but prohibition of the passage of traders of either country into the territory 
assigned to the other. Articles X, XI, and XII provide arrangements regarding fugi- 
tives from justice among the Indians. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi J'alley 253 

of France with the American Revolution. 1 The subsequent actions 
of Yergennes are entirely consistent with the view that he was the 
author of this memoir. It is true that, by the treaty of alliance of 
1778, France renounced the possession of territories in North Amer- 
ica that had belonged to England, but the student of French diplo- 
matic relations with the United States during the Revolution will 
remember that the French ministers to the United States supported 
the Spanish contention that American rights did not extend beyond 
the Alleghenies, and tried to get from Congress a renunciation of the 
claim to that region. Yergennes instructed his representatives, also, 
that France did not intend to raise the United States to a position 
where she would be independent of French support. The proposal 
shown by Rayneval, the secretary of Yergennes, to Jay in 1782 
presented the ideas of France. Roughly speaking, this provided 
that the land south of the Ohio, between the Alleghenies and the 
Mississippi, should be free Indian country divided by the Cumber- 
land river into two spheres of influence, the northern to fall under 
the protection of the United States, and the southern under that of 
Spain. 2 The argument for this proposal submitted by Rayneval, 
and approved by Yergennes, 3 was based upon the recognition of the 
independence of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi. England 
was held to have admitted this by her proposals in regard to limits 
in 1755, and by her proclamation of 1763. By the latter document 
the colonies were held to be debarred from claiming to the Missis- 
sippi, and it was argued that neither Spain nor the United States 
had the least right of sovereignty over the savages in question. 

The system of France becomes clearer when it is remembered 
that, under pressure from that court, in 1781, Congress had rescinded 
its ultimatum with regard to a Mississippi boundary, and had in- 
structed its representatives to be guided by the advice of France as to 
the terms of peace. What this advice would be is shown in the 
Memoire 1 and in the proposition of Rayneval. By this proposal of 

1 Doniol, Histoire de la Participation de la France a P Etablissement des Flats- Unis 
d 'Amerique. 

2 Wharton fed.), Revolutionary Diplo7>iatic Correspondence of the United S'a/es, 
\ I, 25 ff. ; Secret Journals of Congress, IV, 74-78 ; Winsor, Nan-alive and Critical 
Histoiy of America, VII, 118, 148. 

3 Circourt, Histoire de P Action Commune de la Fra?tce et de P Amerique pour /' /V- 
dependance des &lats-Unis, III, 290. 

4 Besides the projects of the Memoire itself, note this significant passage (p. 103) : 
"Quelque soit Tissue de la guerre des Anglais et des Americains, la fin de cette rev- 
olution ne peut finir sans que les puissances belligerantes de 1'Europe ne se melent de la 
querelle, ou ne servent de mediateurs. Dans ces deux cas, un congres general peut 
changer les dispositions du traite de Versailles ; et, en supposant que les Provinces- 
Unies de 1' Amerique soient separees de leur metropole, la France est en mesure pour 
reclaimer ses anciennes possessions." 

254 F. J. Turner 

an independent Indian country Vergennes would avoid breaking the 
terms of the treaty of 1778, in regard to acquisition of English ter- 
ritory, and at the same time he expected effectually to withdraw the 
region from the Americans. Although Oswald, the English repre- 
sentative in the American negotiations, did not possess full informa- 
tion as to this device of France, nor as to her readiness to make 
concessions to England north of the Ohio, his construction of her 
policy in his letter to Shelburne, September 11, 1782, was not un- 
founded. He writes : 

" M. de Vergennes has sent an agent [Rayneval] over to London 
on some particular- negotiation, it is thought in favour of Spain. 
That Court wishes to have the whole of the country from West 
Florida of a certain width quite up to Canada, so as to haA r e both 
banks of the Mississippi clear, and would wish to have such a ces- 
sion from England, before a cession to the Colonies takes place." x 

So far, then, the actions of Vergennes accord with the ideas set 
forth in the memoir. A further striking evidence of the consistency 
of his policy with this document is the fact that he also tried to 
acquire Louisiana from Spain. Godoy, the Prince of Peace, de- 
clares that Vergennes, counting upon the close union of the 
two cabinets connected by the family compact, employed every 
means of persuasion " to induce Spain, already so rich in pos- 
sessions beyond the sea, to give to France her ancient colony ". 
Charles III and the count of Florida Blanca were not averse to con- 
senting to this demand, but under the condition of reimbursement of 
the expenses which Spain had made for preserving and improving 
Louisiana. " The lack of money ", says Godoy, " was the only diffi- 
culty which suspended the course of the negotiation." 2 It is clear, 
therefore, that the essential elements in the policy outlined by the 
memoir were followed by Vergennes in his diplomacy. The anxiety 
of Vergennes to protect the interests of Spain in the country between 
the Alleghenies and the Mississippi, when interpreted by the memoir 
and by his efforts to procure Louisiana from Spain, proves to be in 
reality an anxiety to promote the interests of France. Expecting to 
be put in possession of Louisiana, France herself was vitally inter- 
ested in the disposal of the lands between the Mississippi and the 
Alleghenies. Vergennes believed that in assenting to a Mississippi 
boundary for the United States England had given a territory which 

1 Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburne, III, 258. For Rayneval's interview with Shel- 
burne, and his suggestion that England would find in the negotiations of 1754 relating 
to the Ohio the boundaries that England then saw fit to assign the colonies, see Circourt, 
III, 46, and Doniol, V, 133. 

2 1. B. D'Esmenard, Memoires du Prince de la Paix, Don Manuel Godoy (Brus- 
sels, 1836), III, 113. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 255 

she did not possess, and which, in fact, belonged in part to Spain 
and in part to the Indians. 1 The matter is important inasmuch as it 
reveals the emphasis which France at this period laid upon the con- 
nection of the trans-Allegheny country with Louisiana. It puts in a 
strong light her desire to become an American power, to place boun- 
daries to the expansion of the United States, and to hold that country 
in a position of subordination to her policy. The system of Ver- 
gennes in the American Revolution cannot be rightly understood so 
long as the historians of the negotiations fail to comprehend his 
expectation that France would replace Spain in Louisiana." 

The close of this war which France had waged against England 
left her without the financial resources to achieve the possession of 
Louisiana, and her interest turned to domestic affairs. Anticipating 
the possibility of the dissolution of the Union, England and Spain 

1 Doniol, V, 362-365. Compare treaty of alliance, 1778, articles VI and XI. 

2 There are some grounds for suspecting France of desiring to evade the pledges re- 
garding conquest in the Revolution. The question of the Canada invasion and the occu- 
pation of Detroit is one. See D'Estaing's proclamation to the French, and Lafayette's to 
the Indians, Kingsford's Canada, VI, 342, VII, 13 ; Washington's fears are in Sparks's 
Washington, VI, 106 ; cf. Secret Journals of Congress, II, 125 ; Lafayette to Vergennes, 
July 18, 1779, SteTens's Facsimiles, vol. XVII, no. 1609, from Archives des Affaires 
Etrangeres, Etats-Unis, IX, no. 42, fo. 154 : " Shall we free our oppressed brethren, re- 
cover the fur trade, our intercourse with the Indians, and all the profits of our former 
establishments without their expenses and losses? Shall we throw into the balance of 
the new world a fourteenth state, which would be always attached to us, and which 
by its situation would give us a superiority in the troubles that may at some future day 
set America at variance ? Opinions are very much divided on this point ; I know yours, 
Monsieur le Comte, and my own inclination is not unknown to you. I do not therefore 
dwell on it in any sense, and regard this idea only as a means of deceiving and embar- 
rassing the enemy." But Vergennes' s policy seems to have been to leave Canada to 
England (Doniol, III, 566). 

Colonel La Balme's attempt to take Detroit in the fall of 1780 with a force of Illinois 
and Indiana Frenchmen who proclaimed that they would not recognize any authority 
but that of the king of France, and who were aroused against the American rule by La 
Balme, is certainly suspicious. La Balme was in 1 777 inspector of horse in Armand's 
legion. He was relieved from service under Congress in 1778. On June 27, 1780, from 
Fort Pitt, he gave a report to Luzerne, the French minister, of his proposed western 
visit, figuring in his talks to the Indians as a French chief, who had come to learn the 
real inclinations of the children of the king of France (Report on Canadian Archives, 
1888, 865). On his arrival in Vincennes and the Illinois settlements he encouraged the 
Frenchmen to resist American authority; they were "buoyed up with the flattering 
hopes of being again subject to the King of France", according to reports by Americans 
resident in the French villages. Indeed, he was reported to have told the Indians that 
in the spring there would be French troops in the Illinois country. His expedition 
against Detroit miscarried, and he was killed and his papers sent to Canada. Had De- 
troit been taken by Frenchmen of the Illinois country, who professed independence of 
the L'nited States, complications to the advantage of France might have been raised in 
the discussion of the terms of peace. See Michigan Pioneer Colls., IX, 641 ; Canadian 
Archives, Series B, vol. 122, p. 569; vol. 123, p. 3; vol. 182, p. 489; Report on 
Canadian Archives, i88j, 228; 1888, 865, 882 ; George Rogers Clark MSS., vol. 50, 
pp. 51, 66, 71 ; Calendar Virginia State Papers, I, 380. 

256 F'J' Turner 

took measures to keep in touch with the western communities. 
Spain, having acquired Florida from England as a result of the 
war, gained the control of the navigation of the Mississippi and 
opened and closed the door to Western prosperity at her pleasure. 
She established her ascendancy over the Southwestern Indians by 
treaties of alliance and protection, and used them to check the Amer- 
ican advance. Hoping to add the Kentucky, Franklin, and Cum- 
berland settlements to the Spanish empire, she intrigued with their 
leaders to bring about secession. 1 England, also retaining her posts 
on the Great Lakes, held the Northwestern Indians under her influ- 
ence and was able to infuse some degree of unanimity into their 
councils and into their dealings with the Americans. Her influence 
and the material aid furnished to the Indians enabled them to resist 
the American advance across the Ohio. While Spain intrigued 
with the West, England also sounded the leaders of that region, and 
in the fall of 1789 instructed Lord Dorchester, the governor of 
Canada, that it was desirable that the western settlements should be 
kept distinct from the United States and in connection with Great 
Britain. 2 The Lords of Trade, in a report of 1790, declared that 
it would be for England's interest " to prevent Vermont and Ken- 
tuck and all the other Settlements now forming in the Interior parts 
of the great Continent of North America, from becoming dependent 
on the Government of the United States, or on that of any other For- 
eign Country, and to preserve them on the contrary in a State of 
Independence, and to induce them to form Treaties of Commerce 
and Friendship with Great Britain 'V s 

France, at the same period, was not free from interest in Western 
affairs. Her archives have not been sufficiently explored to make 

1 For material on this subject the reader should consult Gayarre, History of Louisiana, 
III; Winsor, Westward Movement; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, III; T. M. 
Green, Spanish Conspiracy. McGillivray, the half-breed chief of the Creeks, informed 
White, the Indian agent of the United States in 1 787, that if Congress would form a new 
state south of the Altamaha (presumably composed of the Indians), he would agree to 
take the oath of allegiance to it and to cede the Oconee lands to Georgia : American 
State Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 20-22. Compare American Historical Review, 
VIII, 283, for evidence that the state of Franklin considered the proposition of admitting 
the Cherokees to representation in her legislature. For the Spanish attitude regarding the 
independence of the Indians, see American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 278-280 
280; Indian Affairs, I, 17-19. Instructions were given to the governor of Louisiana 
by Spain, May 24. 1793, that the Americans should be kept from the Mississippi and the 
mouth of the Ohio, and that the Cumberland settlers should be restrained to the north of 
the Cumberland river: George Rogers Clark MS.S., XL, 63. By her Indian treaties 
of 1792, Spain professed to have extended her limits on the east bank of the Mississippi 
forty leagues in one direction and sixty leagues in the other : George Rogers Clark 
MSS., A. 

2 Canadian Archives, Series Q, vol. 42, p. 153. 

3 American Historical Review, VIII, 84. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi J T alley 257 

clear how far she adhered to the desire to regain Louisiana. De 
Moustier, the French minister to the United States, was instructed 
in 1787 by Montmorin, minister of foreign affairs, that principles 
were in favor of Spain in the matter of the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and that it would pain the king if the United States should 
embroil themselves with that power over the question : but he was 
not to offer the good offices of the king, lest all parties should be 
compromised. This minister was further instructed that it was for 
the interest of France that the United States should remain in their 
actual condition rather than form a new constitution, because, if 
they secured the unity of which they were capable, they would soon 
acquire a force and power which they would probably be very ready 
to abuse. 1 

Various memoirs were transmitted to the government at the close 
of the Confederation, describing the advantages which France would 
gain by recovering Louisiana,- and De Moustier sent a despatch to 
his court reciting the advantages which would come to France by 
the retrocession of Louisiana. By this France would obtain, he 
argued, a continental colony which would guarantee the West Indies, 
the most beautiful entrepot of North America, for her commerce, 
and an almost complete monopoly of the products of the states situ- 
ated on the Mississippi, and, in fine, the solution of the problem 
of French influence upon the United States, by furnishing a means. 
of holding the government by the party which was the most sensible 
of its interest and its prejudices. 3 

It was in these closing years of the Confederation, also, that 
various French travelers visited the United States and reported the 
conditions of the lands beyond the Alleghenies. Of these the most 
important were Brissot and Claviere, the former afterward the real 
master of the foreign policy of France during the ascendancy of 
the Brissotins or Girondists, the latter the minister of finance in the 

1 American Historical Review, VIII, 713. Cf. page 252, ante. 

2 See the intercepted memorial written about 1787, Chatham MSS., 345, 
and in Report on Canadian Archives, i8go, 108-119. Lorchester informed his 
government that De Moustier forwarded it to his court. It is possible that this 
was the work of Pierre Lyonnet ; see Report of American Historical Association, 1896, 
I, 946. 

3 See the letter of Fauchet, February 4, 1 795, in Report of American Historical 
Association, iqoj, II. Jefferson had evidently received hints of Ee Moustier's project, for 
he wrote to our representative, Mr. Short, August 10, 1 790, warning him to be on his 
guard even in communications to France. " It is believed here, that the Count de 
Moustier, during his residence with us, conceived the project of again engaging France 
in a colony upon our continent, and that he directed his views to some of the country on 
the Mississippi, and obtained and communicated a good deal of matter on the subject to 
bis court." The Writings of Thomar Jefferson (ed. Ford), V, 220. 

258 F. J. Turner 

period of the dominance of that party. 1 Brissot's opinion was that 
the Westerners would resent the attempt of Spain to shut them off 
from the sea, and that " if ever the Americans shall march toward 
New Orleans, it will infallibly fall into their hands ". 

When, in the spring of 1790, war seemed imminent between 
England and Spain over the Nootka Sound affair,- there was every 
prospect that a descent would be made by the former power upon 
New Orleans. Indeed, Pitt listened to the plan of Miranda, the 
Venezuelan revolutionist, for an attack upon Spain's American pos- 
sessions with a view of giving freedom to those colonies, and thereby 
opening their commerce to England and insuring to her a predom- 
inance in their political relations. Jefferson, seeing the danger to 
the United States, menaced by the possibility of England's acquiring 
Louisiana and Florida and thus completely surrounding us in the 
rear and flanks while her lieet threatened our seaboard, turned to 
France for assistance and instructed our representative there to 
attempt to secure the good offices of that nation to induce Spain to 
yield to us the island of New Orleans ; or, since that idea might seem 
extreme, to urge her, at first, to recommend to Spain the cession of 
" a port near the mouth of the river with a circumadjacent territory 
sufficient for its support, well defined and extra-territorial to Spain, 
leaving the idea to future growth ". He instructed our minister to 
Spain to ask for New Orleans and Florida and to argue that thus 
we could protect for Spain what lay beyond the Mississippi. 3 His 
policy was, in brief, to make advances to France and Spain, but at 
the same time to offer neutrality to England, if she would carry out 
the treaty of 1783 and attempt no conquests adjoining us. 

But France had other plans. After considerable discussion she 
finally proposed to Spain a new national pact in place of the family 
compact, and sent Bourgoing in 1790 to negotiate. He suggested 
to Spain as a consecration of their proposed new alliance the restitu- 
tion of Louisiana to France. 4 But Spain was not ready to agree to 
such terms ; she distrusted the revolutionary advances and came to 
terms with England. France, perceiving the family compact no 
longer applicable to the new conditions, adjusted her policy to the 
prospect of a complete rupture with Spain. This had a most im- 
portant bearing upon the New World ; for France, with the fires of 

1 Brissot de Warville, Nonveaii Voyage dans les Etats-Unis (Paris, 1791); Brissot et 
Claviere, De la France et des Etats-Unis (London, 1787 ) ; Brissot and Claviere, Com- 
merce of America with Europe (New York, 1 795 )- 

2 American Historical Review, VII, 706 ff. ; Atlantic Monthly, XCIII, 680. 

3 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (ed. Ford), V, 220, 229. 
■'Sorel, L' Europe et la Revolution Francaise, II, 94. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 259 

the Revolution destroying the old order of things, saw the oppor- 
tunity to rebuild her colonial empire at the expense of Spain. 

In 1792 Talleyrand and other French agents negotiated with 
England informally to withdraw her from the formidable list of 
enemies that were uniting against France. If England joined them, 
the French islands would be exposed to her attack. The instruc- 
tions to these agents, drawn by Dumouriez, argued that the New 
World was large enough for partition. Has not the time come, it 
was asked, to form a great combination between France and Great 
Britain, including, if necessary, the United States, by which the 
commerce of the Spanish possessions should be opened to these 
three powers ? 1 But England was in no mood to accept the alliance 
of antimonarchical France, and turned a cold shoulder to these ad- 
vances. France, in isolation, took up the revolutionary projects 
which Miranda had in 1790 unfolded to Pitt, and turned to the 
United States for assistance. 

The need was great, for the French islands were likely to fall a 
prey to England in case of war, and French commerce would be ex- 
posed to the fleets of the same power. The time was also favorable, 
for, before the close of 1792, Washington, realizing the dangers to 
which the United States was exposed, with England and Spain both 
holding unfriendly relations with the Indians on the flanks of the 
United States, broached to Jefferson the question of a closer connec- 
tion with France. Jefferson caught eagerly at the proposal, for, as 
he said, a French alliance was his " polar star ". 2 Fortunately, how- 
ever, Washington's policy turned eventually to a strict neutrality 
and complete freedom from foreign entanglements. 

The result was Genet's mission to the United States, which has 
been discussed in a previous paper in the Review. 3 Here only the 
essential elements of French policy in respect to the mission can be 
given. In the inception of the plan, Brissot proposed to send Mir- 
anda 4 to San Domingo, where the French garrisons, together with 

1 Ibid. , 384 fif., 418 ff. , III, 17-21. Compare Robinet, Danton Emigre, 243 ; G. 
Pallain, Le Ministere de Talleyrand sous le Directoire, pp. xii, xlii. 

2 The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (ed. Ford), I, 212. 

'American Historical Review, III, 650: "The Origin of Genet's Projected 
Attack on Louisiana and the Floridas." The documentary material, edited by the 
present writer, is in the Report of American Historical Association, i8qb, I, 930-1107 ; 
/8q7, 569-679; and /goj, II, 201-286; and in the American Historical Review, 
II, 474, and III, 490. See also the additional material cited in the introduction to the 
documents in the Reports above mentioned. 

4 See Antepara, South American Emancipation Documents (London, 1810); Mar- 
quis de Rojas, El General Miranda ; A. Rojas, Miranda dans la Revolution Fran- 
(aise; Tejera, Life of Miranda ; American Historical Review, III, 655, 674, 711, 
VI, 508 ; Edinburgh Review, XIII, 288; Alhenaum, April 19, 1902; Sorel, /.' Europe 
et la Revolution Fran^aise, III, 175, et passim. 

260 F.J. Turner 

local troops, would serve as the nucleus for inaugurating a revolu- 
tion among the Spanish colonies. Other forces were to be raised in 
the United States. 1 Lebrun, minister of foreign relations, sent word 
to Washington, in November of 1792, that France would revolu- 
tionize Spanish America, and that forty-five ships of the line would 
leave in the spring for that purpose, under command of Miranda. 
According to the further statement of Colonel Smith (the son-in- 
law of Vice-President Adams), who was the bearer of this news, 
they intended to begin the attack at the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and to sweep along the bay of Mexico southwardly, and would have 
no objection to our incorporating the two Floridas. 2 Under the 
influence of this information, Jefferson drafted new instructions for 
our commissioners to Spain, wherein he countermanded the proposal 
to guarantee Louisiana to Spain on condition of the cession of the 
Floridas. The former proposal, made in 1790, would have inter- 
fered with the freedom of the United States to act according to the 
new circumstances. 

France, however, hesitated to plunge into this vast enterprise of 
Spanish-American revolution until she had overcome Holland and 
made herself the mistress of the Dutch marine. Then, in the opin- 
ion of Dumouriez, it would be possible to crush England and execute 
Miranda's project. This general, therefore, left to participate in 
the operations in the Netherlands and to suffer the loss of prestige 
which his disastrous defeat brought about. It is doubtful whether 
the Gironde leaders had reached an exact conclusion regard- 
ing the disposal of Louisiana and the Floridas when Genet 5 was 
sent to the United States. 4 The memoirs found in the archives show 

1 See A. Rojas and Antepara for the early ideas of a general movement against 
Spanish America on the lines of Miranda's proposals in 1790 to Pitt. 

2 Hie Writings of Thomas Jefferson (ed. Ford), I, 216-217. Compare American 
Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 144 ; A. Rojas, 9; Antepara, 172. 

3 Genet was born in 1 763. He was the son of the head of the bureau of translation 
in the foreign office. He studied international law at Giessen, was attached to embassies 
at Berlin and Vienna, and was made chief of the bureau of translation at the death of his 
father, in 1781. He went to London in 1783 as secretary of a special embassy. In 
1787 he became secretary of legation, and afterward charge d'affaires at St. Petersburg. 
His revolutionary enthusiasm was so violent, however, that the Empress Catherine dubbed 
him " un demagogue enrage", and in the summer of 1792 he was obliged to leave the 
country. On his arrival at Paris, he was selected for the ministry to Holland, but it was 
finally determined to send him to the United States, possibly because of his relations to 
the king through his sister, Madame Campan, who was lady in waiting to the queen. 
The Girondists had seriously considered the banishment of the king to the United States, 
and it was thought that Genet might accompany the family. See Washington, Jefferson, 
and " Citizen " Genet, /ygj, a pamphlet privately printed in 1899 by the late George C. 
Genet, son of the minister; see also American Historical Review, III, 656. 

1 R -port of American Historical Association, i8gi, I, 9+6, note, 949, 952, 953. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 261 

that the alternatives were considered of giving them to the United 
States, of establishing them as independent republics, and of making 
them a French possession ; but there can be little doubt as to what 
the action of France would have been in case of successful occupation 
of Xew Orleans. 

Genet's instructions of December, 1792, and January, 1793, 1 
written when the prospect of a war on the part of France against 
both Spain and England was imminent, 2 required him to endeavor to 
secure a treaty with the United States, which should guarantee the 
sovereignty of the people and punish the powers which had an ex- 
clusive commercial and colonial system, by declaring that the vessels 
of these powers should not be received in the ports of the contracting 
nations. This compact, in the opinion of the ministers, " would 
conduce rapidly to the freeing of Spanish America, to opening the 
navigation of the Mississippi to the inhabitants of Kentucky, to de- 
livering our ancient brothers of Louisiana from the tyrannical yoke 
of Spain, and perhaps to reuniting the fair star of Canada to the 
American constellation ". It will be observed that Canada alone 
was indicated as a possible acquisition by the United States. Genet 
was further authorized, in case of timidity on the part of the Amer- 
ican government, to take all measures which comported with his 
position to arouse in Louisiana and in the other provinces of America 
adjacent to the United States the principles of liberty and inde- 
pendence. It was pointed out that Kentucky would probably second 
his efforts without compromising Congress, and he was authorized 
to send agents there and to Louisiana. 

From these instructions it is clear that the conquest of Louisiana 
was a fundamental purpose in Genet's mission, and that he was even 
to proceed by an intrigue with the frontiersmen in case the American 
government should not connive at his designs. Under the guise of 
neutrality, the United States was expected to furnish in fact an ef- 
fective basis for French operations. Moreover, he was instructed to 
make use of the Indians, " the ancient friends of the French nation ", 
against the enemies of France. By combining the large French pop- 
ulation of Canada and of Louisiana, where the seeds of revolution 
were already sown, with the frontiersmen and the Indians in the 
interior, there was reason to hope for a successful outcome of the 

On his arrival in Charleston, early in April, 1793, Genet found 

1 Report of American Historical Association, /8p6, I, 957-967 ; S903, II, 

1 War was declared against England February I, 1793, and against Spain, March 
9, 1793- 

262 F'J' Tu rn er 

an efficient lieutenant in Mangourit, the French consul at that city. 1 
The frontiersmen of Georgia and the Carolinas had suffered from 
the hostility of the Cherokees and the Creeks on their frontiers, and 
were eager to destroy the influence by which Spain supported them 
in their resistance to American advance. Mangourit was therefore 
able to enlist the services of important leaders. One of them, 
Samuel Hammond 2 of Georgia, was assigned the task of making 
treaties with the Creek Indians 3 and of rallying the Georgia frontiers- 
men for an attack upon East Florida. William Tate 1 , another 
frontier leader, was to negotiate with the Cherokees and the Choc- 
taws, and to collect the frontiersmen of the Carolinas for a descent 
upon New Orleans by way of the Tennessee and the Mississippi. 
The draft of the Indian treaties"' provided for an alliance between 
France and these nations, and guaranteed to the Indians the free and 
peaceable possession of their lands. Genet afterward, while denying 
that he had authorized the collection of forces against Spain on terri- 
tory of the United States, admitted that he had granted commissions 
to men who desired to go among " the independent Indian tribes, 

1 See F. Masson, Le Departement des Affaires Etrangires pendant la Revolution, 
323-325. Mangourit's career illustrates the fact that the representatives of France in 
America were influential persons. In 1789 he edited for a few months Le Heraut de la 
Nation, and was the orator of his section in the National Assembly. He came to 
Charleston March 2, 1792, as consul. Returning after the downfall of Genet, he was 
sent on a mission to consider the situation of France in regard to the Two Sicilies and 
Spain. He was nominated as one of the members of the new commission of foreign 
relations in 1794, but refused the position, and was subsequently appointed first secretary 
of legation in Spain. Instructions were made out for him to succeed Adet in the United 
States in 1796, but, probably owing to the representations of Monroe against this 
appointment, it was not made. He afterward held various positions in the foreign ser- 
vice of France, among other missions being one to incite the Greeks to insurrection. 
Mangourit's correspondence during Genet's mission is published in the Report of Ameri- 
can Historical Association, i8qj, 569-679. 

2 He had been a colonel of cavalry in the Revolution and surveyor-general at 
Savannah, and was afterward a member of Congress. 

3 Report of American Historical Association, i8gj, 591 ft. 

4 If we may believe Mangourit, Tate had "all the virtues of the adventurers who 
conquered the two Indies, without their vices and ignorance ; extremely severe to him- 
self, drinking nothing but water ; . . . a firm disciplinarian and having in his brain the 
coolness and the heat necessary to execute a great enterprise with small means. He 
conceives in the minute, decides on the instant ; he carves in the right joint." Ibid., 
646. Tate afterward led a band of free-lances in the service of France, whither he 
went after the failure of Genet's plans. One of his expeditions was the descent upon 
Ireland (the Fishguard Bay incident) in 1797. See E. Desbriere, Projets et Tentatives 
de Debarquement aux lies Britanniques (Paris, 1900), 238; and M. E. James, The 
Fishguard Invasion by the French in i^q"}. See the index to Report of American His- 
torical Association, i8qj, under "Tate". In the Archives Nationales, A. F., iii, 
186b, are interesting letters from Tate to [Elijah] Clarke, proposing a descent upon the 
Bermudas in 1796. 

5 Report of American Historical Association, i8gy, 591 ff. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi I 'alley 263 

ancient . . . allies of France," to retaliate on the Spaniards and 
English. 1 The connivance of Governor Moultrie, of South Caro- 
lina, seems to have been secured. Thus Genet and his lieutenants 
had initiated plans for the filibustering enterprise before he had 
broken definitely with Washington. The Southern part of the plot 
was seriously interfered with later by an investigation by the 
legislature of South Carolina, and by the discovery that the Giron- 
dists, and Genet in particular, were " friends of the blacks ". 

On his arrival at Philadelphia, Genet found much popular discon- 
tent with Washington's proclamation of neutrality issued on April 
2~, and he came to the conclusion that he would be able to reverse 
the executive policy by procuring a majority in Congress favorable 
to his plans. The " appeal to the people " which he proposed was 
rather an attempt to secure a majority friendly to France in Con- 
gress, for he believed that in that body rested the sovereignty. 
Determining to accept the propositions of George Rogers Clark, of 
Kentucky, for a frontier attack upon New Orleans by way of the 
Mississippi, he appointed him " Major General of the Independent 
and Revolutionary Legion of the Mississippi ". In July, 1793, Genet 
made known his plans to Jefferson. 2 Expecting war with Spain and 
understanding Genet's proposition to be that of giving freedom to 
Louisiana and the Floridas, Jefferson made only a formal protest 
against the implied violation of our neutrality ; and he intimated 
that a little spontaneous uprising in New Orleans might prove to 
the advantage of the American plans. 

Genet's project involved not only the organization of the fron- 
tiersmen and the " independent " Indians of the southwest against 
the Floridas, while George Rogers Clark rallied the Kentuckians 
against New Orleans, but he proposed to block the mouth of the 
Mississippi by a French naval force at the same time. It was for 
this reason that, on July 12, 1793, he so recklessly sent the Little 
Democrat to sea, against the protest of the administration. 3 At the 
same time he made preparations for the use of a fleet against Can- 
ada. 4 It is unnecessary here to relate the misfortunes that befell 
Genet's projects. His plan of securing an advance on the indebted- 

1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 311. 

1 Report of American Historical Association, 181)6, I, 948 ; The Writings of Thomas 
Jefferson (ed. Ford), I, 235. 

3 Report of American historical Association, i8qb, I, 990. 

4 For Genet's activity in respect to Canada, see the Report on Canadian Archives, 
/8qi, Note D, pp. 57-84. There is considerable material throughout the reports of 
1891 and 1894. The connection of Vermonters with this intrigue called out a mass of 
material ; but it is not the purpose of the present paper to discuss the Canadian side 
of the French activity. 

264 F. J. Turner 

ness due to France by the United States failed. Lacking financial 
resources, the operations in the interior were delayed, and the use 
of parts of the fleet was prevented by mutinous crews. Washington 
prepared to use the military forces of the United States to prevent a 
violation of our neutrality, and Genet himself lost his following, even 
among the more radical of the democratic leaders. France, under 
the Reign of Terror, fully occupied on her own borders and torn by 
internal party dissension, was unable to carry out her American 
plans, and Genet was superseded and disavowed. 

The new embassy to the United States consisted of Fauchet, 1 as 
minister plenipotentiary, La Forest, 2 consul-general, Petry, consul 
for Pennsylvania, and Le Blanc, secretary of legation. By the terms 
of the instructions 3 given November 25, 1793, no measure which 
interested the republic could be undertaken without the agreement of 
a majority of the commissioners. By this it was desired to avoid 
the indiscretions into which Genet had fallen. The commission, in 
accordance with these instructions, disavowed the conduct of Genet. 
By the proclamation of March 6, 1794, Fauchet, not without regret, 
revoked the commissions of the filibusters and forbade the viola- 
tion of the neutrality of the United States. But, in spite of the fact 
that under the Jacobin administration France was ready to disavow 
the proceedings of the Girondists in respect to the violation of 
American neutrality, she by no means abandoned her interests in the 
Mississippi valley. By their instructions the new commissioners 
were required to inform the officers of the American government 

1 Jean-Antoine-Joseph Fauchet was born in 1 761 and died in 1834. He was chief 
of the bureau of administration of war (1791), secretary of the mayor of Paris (1792), 
and, in the same year, secretary of the executive power. After his mission to the United 
States (1794- 1 795), he became a partizan of Napoleon, and was prefect of the Var and 
of the Gironde successively. In 1 810 he was made a baron. Report of American His- 
torical Association, IQ03, II, 288. 

2 Antoine-Rene-Charles-Mathurin de la Forest, son of the Marquis de Paulmy, was 
born in 1 756. He became an attache in the French legation to the United States in 
1778, and was made vice-consul at Savannah in 1783. In 1785 he was charged with 
the management of the affairs of the considat general in the United States. He replaced 
BarLe-Marbois in this place March 2, 1792. Recalled November 17, 1792, with the 
other agents who had served the crown, he desired to remain in America, but finally 
returned in order to avoid complications between France and the United States. Re- 
turning as consul-general with Fauchet, he fell under the suspicion of that minister, and 
was recalled. On his return to France, he received from Talleyrand the appointment of 
chief of the Direction des Fondes, where he served until 1799. He was connected with 
the negotiations of the treaty of 1800 with the United States, and also served in the 
negotiations of the treaty of Luneville. In 1801 he was minister plenipotentiary at 
Munich, and was a councilor of state for foreign relations under the Empire. See 
Masson, Le Departement des Affaires Etrangeres pendant la Revolution, 320, 321, 407- 
408, 455-464- 

3 Report of American Historical Association, igoj, II, 288-294. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 265 

that negotiations with Spain regarding the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi would be incompatible with the ties which bound the United 
States to France. In the earlier part of his mission, Fauchet de- 
voted himself to a policy of " wise delay and useful temporizing ", 
conceiving that the interest of the republic was to obtain from the 
United States a prolonged inertia. He therefore contented himself 
with observing the development of our domestic policy, and par- 
ticularly the events on our frontiers during the period of Indian 
wars and the Whiskey Rebellion. Of all of this, as well as of the 
English policv in the northwest, he gave detailed accounts to his 
government. He was active in sending provision fleets to France, 
and in protests against English violations of our neutral commerce. 
At this period other interests were entirely subordinated to the im- 
portant consideration of the provisioning of France by the United 
States. The insurrection in the French West Indies gave him con- 
cern ; but, on the other hand, he pointed out that the revolution of 
the blacks had established an eternal seed of repulsion between the 
West Indies and slaveholding America, so that there was less danger 
of American acquisition of these islands. It was not until the news 
of Jay's treaty reached him that he turned to the subject of Louisiana. 
As soon as he was fairly well informed of the purport of this treaty 
(in February, 1795), he proposed a radical programme for meeting 
the situation. 1 He reminded his government that he had energet- 
ically protested against our failure to enforce the rights of neutral 
commerce against England ; but now Jay's treaty threatened even 
more unfavorable conditions by its concessions to Great Britain in 
the matter of neutral rights, and the alliance of 1778 had become 
worse than useless. Yet, as Fauchet pointed out, France had no 
means of intimidating the United States. The ocean separated the 
two powers, and the French West Indies, far from threatening the 
United States, were actually in danger of starvation in time of war 
if American trade was cut off. He quoted Jefferson's remark, 
" France enjoys their sovereignty and we their profit." A war to 
compel the Union to follow French policy would deprive the re- 
public of the indispensable trade of America. Some other means 
must be found, and the solution of the problem, in Fauchet's opinion, 
was the acquisition of a continental colony in America : " Louisiana 
opens her arms to us." This province would furnish France the 
best entrepot in North America, raw material, and a market for her 
manufactures, a monopoly of the products of the American states 

1 Ibid., Fauchet's despatch of February 4, 1795. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 18. 

266 F. J. Turner 

on the Mississippi, and a means of pressure upon the United States. 
He predicted that, unless a revolution occurred in Spanish policy, 
the force of events would unite Louisiana to the United States, and 
in the course of time would bring about a new confederation between 
this province and the western states, which would not remain within 
the United States fifty years. In this new union the superior institu- 
tions and power of the American element would give to it the 
sovereignty. But if France or any power less feeble than Spain pos- 
sessed Louisiana, it would establish there the sovereignty over all 
the countries on the Mississippi. If a nation with adequate re- 
sources, said he, understood how to manage the control of the river, 
it could hold in dependence the western states of America, and 
might at pleasure advance or retard the rate of their growth. What, 
then, he asks, might not France do with so many warm friends 
among the Western settlers? The leaven of insurrection had been 
recently manifested in the Whiskey Rebellion ; it would depend upon 
France to decide the question of dismemberment. In this way, by 
pressure on our borders, she could bend the United States to her will, 
or in the possession of the Mississippi valley find a means of freeing 
herself and her islands from their economic dependence upon the 
United States. Such was the line of thought presented by Fauchet 
to the French authorities ; he preferred diplomatic negotiation to war 
or the filibustering system of Genet. 

How far this despatch of Fauchet may have affected the policy 
of France in the negotiations at Basel is not certain, but these nego- 
tiations, by which Spain came to terms with France, were exceed- 
ingly important for the Mississippi valley. Barthelemy was in- 
structed 1 May 10, 1795, to demand from Spain certain cessions as 
the price of peace. The Spanish portion of San Domingo, the 
Basque province of Guipuscoa, and Louisiana were desired, but 
upon Louisiana he was ordered to insist: "the rest would be easy." 
" C'est sur la Louisiane qu' il faut insister et le citoyen Barthelemy 
aura soin de diriger tous ces efforts vers ce but." In support of 
her demand, France argued that it would be a great gain to Spain to 
place a strong power between her American possessions and those 
of the United States, particularly since England had by Jay's treaty 
guaranteed to the United States the freedom of navigation of the 
Mississippi, and it was to be feared that these new allies would seize 

At this juncture Godoy, the duke of Alcudia, was in control of 
the foreign policy of Spain. Alarmed by conditions in Europe, and 

1 Sorel, in Revue Historique, XIII, 46. See also XII, 295, XIII, 274, and 
D'Esmenard, Memoircs dit Prince de la Paix. 

Policy of France tozvard the Mississippi Valley 267 

chagrined at England's arrangements with the United States at a 
moment when Spain trembled for the fate of Louisiana, 1 he made 
peace with France at Basel (July, 1795) ; but he refused to yield 
Louisiana, preferring to abandon the Spanish portion of San Do- 
mingo. This only rendered France the more determined to secure 
the continental colony needed to support her West Indian posses- 
sions ; and in the negotiations later over the terms of alliance she 
pressed hard for the additional cession. 

It is this situation which explains the treaty that Godov made 
with the Lnited States not long after. He was most reluctant to 
give up Louisiana, but France demanded it as a condition of her 
alliance. Threatened thus with isolation, and confronted by the 
prospect of a war with England, he was disposed to conciliate the 
Lnited States, lest she join England and take Louisiana by force. 
When, therefore, Pinckney's threat to leave for London was made, 
Godoy interpreted it as an indication that Jay's treaty had made con- 
tingent provision for a joint attack by England and the United 
States against Louisiana. He had previously tried in vain to per- 
suade Pinckney to engage the United States in an alliance with 
France and Spain. In alarm he hastily came to the American terms, 
and in the treaty of San Lorenzo (October 27, 1795 ) 2 he conceded 
the navigation of the Mississippi and our boundary on that river, 
and agreed to give up the Spanish posts north of New Orleans within 
the disputed territory. Thus relieved of the danger of an American 
invasion, Godoy was in a better position to resist the efforts of 
France to force him to cede Louisiana. 

By the close of the year 1795, therefore, Washington's adminis- 
tration had by Jay's treaty secured possession of the northwest, and 
by Pinckney's treaty had received the promise of the evacuation of 
the disputed posts on the east of the Mississippi by Spain. The 
flanks of the Mississippi valley were apparently insured to the 
United States. But the former diplomatic conditions were reversed 
after Jay's treaty and the treaty of Basel. France and Spain were 
no longer enemies. Spain had broken with England ; and the United 
States, swinging away from the French alliance, was embracing the 
friendship of England. To Spain and France there seemed to be a 
menace, in these new relationships, against the Spanish-American 

1 In a letter of December 29, 1794, Short informed the Secretary of State of Godoy' s 
mortification at Jay's treaty and of his bitterness against England. Godoy intimated that 
the points for a treaty between the United States and Spain might easily be arranged. 
Nevertheless he continued to procrastinate. See Morrissy, "William Short's Career" 
(Cornell, Thesis, MS., 1900, p. 530). 

2 D'Esmenard, Memoires du Prince de la Paix, II, ch. xxx (part i). 

268 J 7 - J- Turner 

colonies. It became a cardinal point in French policy, therefore, to 
press to a conclusion the negotiations for Louisiana, to suspend 
diplomatic relations with the United States, and to attempt to alarm 
her into a reversal of her friendly attitude toward England. But it 
was not the policy of France to force the United States into war. 
Adet, 1 who arrived as the successor of Fauchet in June, 1795, later 
informed his government that a rupture with the United States 
would be a disadvantage for France : 

'' You know that our colonies would be without provisionment 
and perhaps actually conquered, that all hope of commerce with 
America would be cut off thereafter, while England would receive 
30,000 sailors of the United States, and Louisiana and the Floridas 
would shortly fall under the power of our new enemies and of Great 
Britain ; that New Mexico would soon see their banners waving, 
and who knows where the habit of pillage and the ambition of con- 
quest may conduct them in a country so badly defended as the 
Spanish possessions and where already germs of discord exist and 
the ferment of discontent?" 2 

The treaty of Basel had provided for peace between France and 
Spain, but it did not include the terms of an alliance. France now 
tried to reap the fruits of her success by dictating the conditions of 
the treaty. In the spring of 1796, the Directors sent General 
Perignon to Madrid to arrange terms of a formal alliance. 3 He was 
instructed to warn Spain that French influence in America was near- 
ing its end. War with the United States promised France no satis- 
factory results, and to punish the Americans by restrictions on their 
commerce would deprive France of a resource which the European 
wars rendered necessary to her. These, however, were merely tem- 
porary difficulties. " Who ", asked the Directors, " can answer that 
England and the United States together will not divide up the northern 
part of the New World ? What prevents them ? " The instructions 
went on to give a forceful presentation of the rapidity with which 
settlers were pouring into Kentucky and Tennessee, and of the 
danger to Louisiana from filibustering expeditions. The concession 
of the navigation of the Mississippi, in the opinion of France, pre- 

1 Pierre- Auguste Adet was born in Paris in 1763. He was the author of some 
important chemical works, was the secretary of the first commission sent to San Domingo ; 
then chef de V administration des colonies, and afterward connected with the ministry of 
marine. He served for a time in Geneva, whence he was transferred to the United 
States. Adet's instructions and correspondence are in the Report of American Histori- 
cal Association, igoj, II. 

2 Adet's despatch of February 3, 1797, ibid. 

3 See the instructions in Report of American Historical Association, iSgj, 667-671 ; 
Atlantic Monthly, XCIII, 810. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 269 

pared the ruin and invasion of Louisiana whenever the United 
States, in concert with Great Britain, should " give the reins to those 
tierce inhabitants of the West ". The English-speaking people would 
then overrun Mexico and all North America, and the commerce of 
the islands of the Gulf would be dependent upon this Anglo-American 
power. Only France, in alliance with Spain, argued the Directors, 
can oppose a counterpoise, by the use of her old influence among the 
Indians : " We alone can trace with strong and respected hand the 
bounds of the power of the United States and the limits of their 
territory." All that France demanded was Louisiana, a province 
that, so far from serving the purpose of its original cession as a bar- 
rier against England, was now a dangerous possession to Spain, 
ever ready to join with her neighbors. It had remained in a condi- 
tion of infancy while the United States had acquired irresistible 
strength on its borders. This country was now daily preparing the 
subjects of Spain for insurrection by intrigues and by the spectacle 
of its prosperity. " On the other hand," continued the Directors, 
" if this possession were once in our hands, it would be beyond insult 
by Great Britain, to whom we can oppose not only the western 
settlements of the Lnited States, who are as friendly to us as they 
could possibly be, but also the inhabitants of Louisiana, who have 
given clear evidence of their indestructible attachment to their former 
mother-country. It gives us the means to balance the marked pre- 
dilection of the federal government for our enemy, and to retain it 
in the line of duty by the fear of dismemberment which we can bring 
about." " We shall affright England by the sudden development 
of an actual power in the New World, and shall be in a position to 
oppose a perfect harmony to her attacks and her intrigues." They 
therefore urged Spain to act at once, in order that the political and 
military campaigns might begin in America that very year. 

But Godoy resolutely refused to give up Louisiana, and Perignon 
was obliged to content himself with a treaty of alliance without this 
important concession. France thereupon recalled him, and sent a 
successor with the particular purpose of persuading Spain to yield 
Louisiana by the offer to join her in the conquest of Portugal ; but 
the Prince of Peace remained immovable ; nor did he consent even 
when, in 1797, after Napoleon's victories in Italy had given the papal 
legations to France, she offered them to the royal house of Spain as 
an equivalent for Louisiana. Had religious scruples not prevented, 
however, Spain would probably have accepted this proposition. 1 

1 See Sorel's study of the relations of France and Spain, 1792-1797, in Revae His- 
torique, XIII, 46, 274 ; and Memoires du Prince de la Paix, III, 116; Barras, Memoirs 
'New York, 1895), II, 359. 

2 jo F. J. Ta r lie r 

While France negotiated with Spain, she prepared the ground in 
America. In the winter of 1795, Colonel Fulton, one of George 
Rogers Clark's officers in the Genet expedition, was sent to intrigue 
with the southwestern Indians 1 and to consult with Clark. 

By the close of 1796 Fulton, having returned, furnished the 
Directors information as to the best season for occupying Louisiana, 
and assured them that Clark's old soldiers were loyal to France, 

1 See American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 463 ; Report of American Historical 
Association, i8gb, I, 1063, and index under " Fulton ". Samuel Fulton was one of the 
interesting American adventurers of the type of Tate. He was a North Carolinian who 
removed to the Creek country about 1791. Refusing to swear allegiance to the king of 
Spain, he was forced to leave in 1793. The spring of 1794 found him acting as an assis- 
tant to George Rogers Clark in the service of France, with the position of major of cav- 
alry. After the failure of the expedition he went to Paris to collect the claims of Clark 
and himself against the French government. Here he was commissioned as colonel in 
the cavalry, but he writes, " I begin to be D — d tired of Pans." In the summer of 1795 
he was back in the United States and was sent by the minister, Adet, to report on the 
situation of the followers of Elijah Clarke, who had fled to Amelia Island after the failure 
of the Genet project in which they had a part. Adet regretted that the peace of Basel 
compelled him to withdraw French support from this promising movement against the 
Spanish possessions {Report of American Historical Association, i8qy, 663). Fulton 
then went to Kentucky some time prior to November 2, 1795, to inform George Rogers 
Clark that the French government ratified the proceedings of Genet and himself {ibid., 
i8gb, I, 1095 ). Colonel Charles M. Thruston wrote to his son Charles at Louisville under 
date of Frederick Co., Va. , February 17, 1796 : " We have a report here that Col. Ful- 
ton has returned from France with a commission for Gen 1 . Clark of Major General in 
the French service, with an appointment of three hundred dollars a month for him and 
commissions for all his officers. If this be true it must have reached you before this ; 
and if it be so, I beg you, present my congratulations to the General, and my best re- 
spects. For his country has been ungrateful enough to let his valuable services pass by 
unregarded and neglected" (Draper MSS., Trip, 1868, IV, 223). Chisholm, who 
was connected with Blount's conspiracy, informs us (in Declaration of November 29, 
1 797, State Dept. MSS., Bureau of Indexes and Archives, Despatches, England, vol. 
5, no. 57) that in the winter of 1795, he met, between the towns of the Creeks and the 
Cherokee Nations, a person named Fulton, who said he was a colonel of horse in the 
French service. " He told me", says Chisholm, "that he had come from France in 
order to get the Indians consent for the establishment of a Republic in the Floridas, as 
they the French were to take it, or to get it ( I don't recollect which ) from the Spaniards ; 
as I was friendly to the United States I advised him to leave the country as soon as pos- 
sible which I believe he did as I have not heard of him since ; the said Fulton is a tall 
handsome man upwards of six feet high, well mounted and handsomely equipped in 
every particular, appeared to be about twenty-five years of age." Fulton arrived in 
Philadelphia in the middle of March, after his long and disagreeable journey [Report of 
American Historical Association, i8g6, I, 1098), and returned agahrto France bearing 
Adet' s despatches about April 19, 1796 (Affaires Etrangeres, E.-U. Corresp. vol. 45, fo. 
378). In a letter of George Rogers Clark to Fulton, dated March 2, 1797, he refers to 
a letter from Fulton of "last December" enclosing copies of patents of general of 
brigade accorded to Clark by the Directory (Baron Marc de Villiers du Terrage, Les 
Dernieres Annees de la Louisiane Francaise, 362). On May 26, 1797, Delacroix, min- 
ister of foreign relations, refers to the granting of a commission to George Rogers Clark 
as general of brigade without activity, and says : "It is not indifferent to our interests to 
preserve among these people and the men who have their confidence, all the dispositions 
which are favorable to us." Affaires Etrangeres, Etats-Unis, vol. 47, fo. 305. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi J T alley 2 7 1 

and asked only arms, ammunition, and uniforms, and " their country 
will find itself in the vast regions which the Republic will possess ". * 
Toward the end of 1796, France sent a new commission to George 
Rogers Clark, as brigadier-general, on the theory, as Delacroix, the 
minister of foreign relations, declared, that it was to the interest of 
France to foster a favorable disposition among the Westerners. 
" In case we shall be put in possession of Louisiana," he wrote, 
" the affection of those regions will serve us in our political plans 
toward the United States." 2 

Information regarding the southwestern tribes was also pro- 
cured from Milfort, a French adventurer who, after passing twenty 
years among the Creeks as an agent of Spain, went to offer his 
services to France. 3 He had married a sister of McGillivray, and 
claimed to be the principal war-chief of the Creeks. In 1795 
Milfort had left the Indians and had presented his plans for 
organizing the Indians of the southwest under the French, and, ac- 
cording to his statement, Fauchet approved them. He was put off 
in Paris by the fact that France was negotiating with Spain, but the 
Directory took him up, and on March 26, 1796, gave him the title of 
general of brigade. In 1798 he presented a memoir to the Directory 
offering them a large portion of Creek territory by which they might 
destroy the Americans and facilitate the acquisition of Louisiana. 
The matter was favorably received by Talleyrand. 

Xot only did France again draw together the threads of intrigue 
with the '" independent " Indians and the frontiersmen, but also in 
the summer of 1796 she determined to send Mangourit to America 
to replace Adet. 4 Monroe reported rumors that France was to 
make an attempt upon Canada, " which is to be united with Louisiana 
and the Floridas to the south, taking in such parts of our western 
people as are willing to unite ". Monroe's protest against Man- 
gourit's appointment was effective ; but the significance of the selec- 

1 P'ulton to Delacroix, October 24, 1796. Affaires Etrangeres, La. et Fla., vol. 7, 
'fo. 44. 

1 Ibid., Etats-Unis, vol. 47, fo. 305. 

3 His Memoire ou Coup cV mil Rapide sztr mes Differens Voyages et mon Sejour dans 
la Nation Creek is one of the sources for our knowledge of these Indians ; but he was 
a hopeless liar, one of his most interesting concoctions being a statement to the French 
government that he had defeated ten thousand regulars under George Rogers Clark near 
Detroit by a force of six thousand Northern Indians under his command (De Villiers du 
Terrage, Les Dernieres Annees de la Louisiane Francaise, 364). For his career, see in 
addition to his Memoire, the Stale Papers and Correspondence bearing upon the Pur- 
chase of the Territory of Louisiana, 20; American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 
395 ; Pickett, Alabama (1851 ed.), I, 115 ff. ; Report of American Historical Associa- 
tion, iSr/j, I, 1053. 

4 Ibid, icjnj, IT, gives the draft of his instructions. See also American State 
Paper;, Foreign Relations, I, 742. 

272 jF. J. Turner 

tion of this energetic companion of Genet in the early attempt upon 
Louisiana and Florida is obvious. 

In the meantime Adet, the French minister to the United States, 
exerted every effort to prevent Congress from voting the appropria- 
tions to carry out Jay's treat}-. In fact, as it turned out, the vote 
was a close one, but Adet, foreseeing defeat, and acting in accordance 
with the desire of his government, in March, 1796, commissioned 
General Victor Collot, 1 formerly governor of Guadeloupe, to travel 
in the west, and to make a military survey of the defenses and lines 
of communication west of the Alleghenies, along the Ohio and the 
Mississippi. Collot was gone about ten months, and as he passed 
down the rivers he pointed out to men whom he trusted the advan- 
tages of accepting French jurisdiction. He made detailed and ac- 
curate plans of the river-courses and the Spanish posts, which may 
still be seen in the atlas that accompanies his Journey in North 
America, published long afterward. As the military expert on 
whose judgment the French government had to rely, his conclusions 
have a peculiar interest, and may be given in his own words : 
"All the positions on the left bank of the river [Mississippi], in 
whatever point of view they may be considered, or in whatever mode 
they may be occupied, without the alliance of the Western states are 
far from covering Louisiana : they are, on the contrary, highly in- 
jurious to this colony; and the money and men which might be em- 
ployed f6r this purpose would be ineffectual." In other words, a 
Louisiana bounded by the Mississippi could not be protected against 
the neighboring settlements of the United States. He emphasizes 
the same idea, in another connection, as follows : " When two na- 
tions possess, one the coasts and the other the plains, the former 
must inevitably embark or submit. From thence I conclude that 
the Western states of the North American republic must unite them- 
selves with Louisiana and form in the future one single compact 
nation ; else that colony to whatever power it shall belong will be 
conquered or devoured." 

As the logical accompaniment of this conclusion that Louisiana 
must embrace the western states, Collot drew up a plan for the de- 

1 For Adet's policy in this period and his relations with Collot, see Report of American 
Historical Association, 1903, II. Collot's report is in print in part : Collot, Voyage dans 
P Amerique Septentrionale . '. . avec un Atlas de j6 Carles (2 vols., Paris, 1826), and in 
English : Journey in North America (Paris, 1826), also with the atlas. The Portfolio, 
Jan. 28, 1804, p. 30, published a prospectus of the work. See also Gibbs, Memoirs (1846), 
350, el passim ; Smith, Si. Clair Papers, II, 395 ; Jefferson, Works (1854), IX, 200; 
Gayarre, Louisiana, III, 383 ; Cruzat, in New Orleans Picayune, March 18, 1901 ; 
Michigan Pioneer Collections, XXV, 171 ; Report on Canadian Archives, /Sgi ; Pick- 
ering Papers indexed in Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Sixth Series, VIII, 
44, el passim. 

Policy of France toiuard the Mississippi Valley 273 

fense of the passes of the Alleghenies, which were to constitute the 
frontier of this interior dependency of France to protect it against 
the United States. The Louisiana that Collot contemplated, there- 
fore, stretched from the Alleghenies to the Rockies. 1 The impor- 
tance of his report is made clearer by the facts that the minister 
Adet, and the consul-general who remained after he left, continually 
refer to Collot's work as the basis for their views on Louisiana, and 
that Livingston reported in 1802 that it had been expected that Na- 
poleon would make Collot second in command in the province of 
Louisiana, and that Adet was to be prefect. 2 

As he descended the Mississippi, Collot learned of a plot for an 
attack under the English flag upon the Spanish dependencies, and 
on his return, early in 1797, he notified the Spanish minister to the 
United States, who promptly informed the secretary of state. In the 
investigation that followed, it was ascertained that the British min- 
ister had been privy to the plans, and United States Senator Blount, 
of Tennessee, lost his seat as a result of the revelations which in- 
volved him. The incident revealed how wide-spread were the forces 
of intrigue for the Mississippi valley, and it gave grounds for the 
refusal of the Spanish authorities to carry out the agreement to yield 
their posts on the right bank of the river while New Orleans was 
threatened by an attack down the Mississippi. 

The documentary material for the Blount episode will be pub- 
lished in a later number of the Review. Here its lines can be hardly 
more than indicated.' 1 On October 24. 1795, the English government 
had charged Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, of Canada, to cultivate 
such intercourse with the leading men of the western settlements of 
the United States as would enable England to utilize the services of 
the frontiersmen against the Spanish settlements, if war broke out 
between England and Spain, and to report what assistance might be 

'■ In view of these designs, there is significance in the Farewell Address, which Wash- 
ington issued while Collot was making his investigations. Washington informed the 
West that " it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its 
own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic 
side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. 
Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived 
from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any 
foreign Power, must be intrinsically precarious." He added that the treaties with Spain 
and England had given the Western people all that they could desire in respect to foreign 
relations, and asked : "Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these 
advantages on the union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be 
deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and 
connect them with aliens?" American State Papers, Foreign Relations, I, 34-38. 

2 State Papers and Correspondence bearing upon the Purchase of the Territory of 
Louisiana (Washington, 1903), 29. 

3 See Atlantic Monthly, XCIII, 813. 

274 F.J. Turner 

afforded by the Southern and Western Indians in such an event. 
Information was also desired with regard to the communications 
between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi, with the evident idea 
of using Canadian forces in the operations. These " most private 
and secret " instructions 1 cast light upon England's policy at this 
time, and the explicit injunctions of caution, lest the government 
should be compromised with Spain and the United States while mat- 
ters were preparing, help us to understand that whatever was to be 
done must be managed secretly. War was declared by Spain 
against England in the fall of 1796, and rumors of the approaching 
acquisition of Louisiana by France alarmed the land-speculators like 
Blount, as well as the former Tory settlers about Natchez. The 
gist of the plan with which Blount's name is connected was that a 
combined body of frontiersmen and Indians, working in concert 
with the English fleet and an expedition from Canada, should seize 
Louisiana and the Floridas for England. Liston, the minister, was 
acquainted with the essential features of the plan, canvassed the 
practicability of Canadian assistance with the authorities of that 
province, and finally communicated the matter to his government. 
In the meantime it had become known, and England disavowed re- 
sponsibility. 2 

1 British War Office (Colonial) Secret Entry Book and Report on Canadian Archives, 
i8gi, " Upper Canada", 59. 

2 On the whole matter see the following: Collot, Journey in North America, II, 
11, 64,65, 229; Aff. Et., Etats-Unis, vol. 47, folios 124, 126, 130, 137; American State 
Papers, Foreign Relations, II, 66 ff. ; Annals of Fifth Congress, iygj-iygg, 498, 2245 ff. , 
3131 ff. ; King's Correspondence of King, II, 195-199, 208, 209, 216-218, 236, 253-256, 
258. The disclosures to King made by Chisholm are in the Department of State, Bureau 
of Indexes and Archives, Despatches, England, vols. 4 and 5, and also in the King MSS. 
in the New York Historical Society, folio A, 378, 385,386,391. See also the British Public 
Record Office, America, XVIII (containing Liston's correspondence on the subject); 
Report on Canadian Archives, i8gz, "Upper Canada", 71, 77, and "Lower Canada", 
149, et passim ; Michigan Pioneer Collections, XXIV, 666, XXV, 27 ; Massachusetts 
Historical Collections, Sixth Series, VIII, 44, et passim (Pickering Papers); Upham's 
Pickering; Gibbs, Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and Adams, I, 474, 
et passim ; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I, p. xi (citing the Blount MSS., sent him 
by the Honorable W. D. Stephens, of Los Angeles, California), IV, 212 and index, 
s. v. Blount; M. J. Wright, Life and Services of William Blount; Riley, "Spanish 
Policy in Mississippi after the Treaty of San Lorenzo ", in Report of American His oricat 
Association, iSgj, 1 77; Hinsdale, " Southern Boundary of the United States", ibid., 
/8gj, 331 ; Gayarre, History of Louisiana, III ; Marbois, History of Louisiana (1830), 
163-165; Winsor, Westward Movement, 561-57 3- 

General George Rogers Clark, of Kentucky, wrote on March 2, 1797, to his old 
companion in the Genet expedition, Colonel Fulton, then in the service of the Directory 
of France : " We have here English agents from Canada to enrol volunteers destined to 
march against Louisiana. Some days ago I received propositions from the governor of 
Canada to march at the head of two thousand men against the Spanish establishments 
of New Mexico." The plan, he explains, was to occupy St. Louis, then to divide the 
army ; one party would descend the Mississippi and the other march upon Santa Fe. 
Terrage, Les Derniires Annies de la Louisiane Francaise, 362-363. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi 1 'alley 275 

From the point of view of the larger diplomatic problem, the 
most tangible result of the affair was the retention by Spain of 
Natchez and the other posts east of the Mississippi, under the sincere 
apprehension that if they were evacuated, in accordance with the 
treaty of 1795, a clear road would be opened for the British into 
Louisiana. Xot until the spring of 1798 did Spain, under the anti- 
French policy of Godoy, actually evacuate these forts. 1 

After the rupture of diplomatic relations with France the Federal- 
ists proceeded in the early summer of 1797 to enact laws' for raising 
an army and providing a fleet, and for the necessary loans and taxes 
in preparation for war with the republic. But, less radical than 
some of his advisers, and ready to make another effort to adjust our 
affairs with France, President Adams sent a commission to reopen 
negotiations, in spite of his chagrin that the previous minister, C. C. 
Pinckney, had been summarily refused and ordered out of France. 

When this commission sailed, Talleyrand had just become the 
master of the foreign policy of his country. He had returned from 
his sojourn in the United States, convinced that Americans were 
hopelessly attached to England, 2 and that France must have 
Louisiana. In a memoir to the Institute, April 4, 1797, he 
had pointed out that Louisiana would serve the commercial 
needs of France, would prove a granary for a great West 
Indian colonial power, and would be a useful outlet for the 
discontented revolutionists, who could find room for their ener- 
gies in building up the New World. 3 It was his policy to play 
with the American representatives, refusing to deal with them except 
informally through agents, and, while detaining them, to negotiate 
with Spain for Louisiana. These so-called X. Y. Z. negotiations 

1 See Henry Adams's account of Godoy's relation to this action and of his loss of 
power under French influence [History oj the United States, I, 350-351 ). 

2 See his letter to Lord Lansdowne, T795, in Revue d' ' Histoire Diplomatique, III, 
64-77, a "d his Memoir concerning the Commercial Relations of the United States 'with 
England, etc., London, 1806. The French original I have not seen (Recueil des Mem- 
oires de T Inslitut , 1st series, II, 1799). Cf. Talleyrand's Memoirs (New York, 1891J, 
I, 188. 

3 There were many French travelers who visited the United States and described the 
Mississippi valley between 1790 and 1803. See Report of American Historical Associa- 
tion, /goj, II (introduction). In 1798 Dupontde Nemours and some other French philos- 
ophers, a delegation from the National Institute, had applied through Sir Joseph Banks 
for passports from the English government, the Directory having given them passports to 
go to the United States with a view to improve and extend the sciences. Mr. King, the 
American minister, wrote that he understood that the object of the mission was to form 
an establishment high up the Mississippi, out of the limits of the United States, and 
within the boundaries of Spain. President Adams agreed with Mr. King that no en- 
couragement should be given to this mission. Adams, Works, VIII, 596. The possible 
connection with the political designs of France is obvious. Compare Michaux's Journal 
(Thwaites, Early Western Travels, III, 53, 89, 90). 

276 F.J. Turner 

extended till the spring of 1798, when Marshall and Pinckney, out- 
raged by demands for bribes and hopeless of results, left Paris. 
Gerry, deluded by Talleyrand, remained to keep the peace, and while 
the adroit diplomat deceived Gerry, he instructed Guillemardet, his 
minister at Madrid, to make Spain realize that that government 
had been blind to its interests in putting the United States into 
possession of the Mississippi forts ; they meant, he declared, to rule 
alone in America, and to influence Europe. No other means existed 
for putting an end to their ambition than that of " shutting them 
up within the limits which Nature seems to have traced for them ". 
There can be little doubt that Talleyrand intended the Alleghenies 
by this expression. France, he argued, if placed in possession of 
Louisiana and Florida, would be a " wall of brass forever im- 
penetrable to the combined efforts of England and America ". 1 In 
a memoir of July 10, 1798, Talleyrand reported to the Directory the 
yielding spirit of Spain and her increasing favor toward the plan 
of having French troops, rather than Spanish, meet the expected 
invasion of Louisiana by England and the United States. In the 
course of a discussion of the policy to be adopted toward Portugal, 
the minister proposed an exchange of some of the provinces of that 
country for Louisiana. 2 Thus Talleyrand increased his aggressive 
policy toward the Spanish peninsula and Spain's North American 
dependencies immediately after the retirement of Godoy and con- 
temporaneously with the policy of deceiving the United States into 
inactivity. Spain and her provinces bid fair to become appanages 
of France. 

The situation led Pitt to consider again the proposition 3 to revo- 
lutionize Spanish America, with the cooperation of the United States. 
Again Miranda raised the veil of the future and summoned England 
and the United States to give freedom to the colonies of Spain, 
complete the passage of the Isthmus of Panama by a waterway, and 

1 II. Adams, History of the United States, I, 355 ff. 

2 Pallain, Le Minis/ere tie Talleyrand sons le Directoire, 312. 

3 Atlantic Monthly, XCIII, 815. The despatches of the American minister to 
England, Rums King, during the early months of 1798 show that Grenville and Pitt 
seriously contemplated freeing the Spanish-American colonies by joint operations on the 
part of England and the United States, in case Spain fell completely under French con- 
trol. King embraced the project eagerly. Hamilton's connection with the matter, as 
effective head of the American army, is an interesting feature. The episode has its im- 
portance for the present discussion, in showing how closely Spanish- American matters 
were involved in the Louisiana question ; how certain it was that the United States would 
be involved in the European alliances so long as the fate of the Mississippi valley was 
uncertain ; and how Jefferson's project of combining with England in case France occu- 
pied New Orleans was prefigured in this Federalist negotiation. See King, Correspon- 
dence, II, 278, 283, 305, 367, 392, 453, 454, 511, 519, 650, 654, 657. The works of 
Adams and Hamilton should also be consulted. 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 277 

enter into the commerce of the New World. But John Adams proved 
stubborn in his refusal. Pitt finally determined to await events and 
see whether Spain could resist incorporation in the French power. 

So it was that Napoleon found Louisiana ripe for the picking 
in 1800. His plan of taking possession was on the same lines as 
were the plans of those who guided the Louisiana policy of France 
before him. In his instructions to the captain-general 1 in 1802, he 
referred to the fact that as the mistress of both banks of the Missis- 
sippi at its mouth, France held the key to its navigation — a matter of 
the highest importance to the western states. " Whatever may be 
the events which this new part of the continent has to expect, the 
arrival of the French forces should be marked there by the expression 
of sentiments of great benevolence for these new neighbors." These 
were not reassuring words ! But the rest was more alarming : " A 
little local experience will soon enable you to discern the sentiments 
of the western provinces of the Federal Government. It will be well 
to maintain sources of intelligence in that country, whose numerous, 
warlike, and sober population may present you a redoubtable enemy. 
The inhabitants of Kentucky especially should fix the attention of 
the captain-general. . . . He must also fortifv himself against 
them by alliance with the Indian nations scattered to the east of the 

It is reasonably clear that Napoleon's policy resembled that of 
Yergennes. He would intrigue with the Westerners, use the control 
of the navigation to influence them, make of the Indians a barrier, 
and gradually widen the borders of his province until the Gulf of 
Mexico should be a French lake, and perhaps the Alleghenies the 
boundary of the United States. Lord Hawkesbury, the English 
minister of foreign affairs, saw the danger and warned Rufus King 
in 1801 that " the acquisition might enable France to extend her 
influence and perhaps her dominion up the Mississippi and through 
the Great Lakes, even to Canada. This would be realizing the plan, 
to prevent the accomplishment of which the Seven Years' War took 

But Lord Hawkesbury saw it no more clearly than did Thomas 
Jefferson, who had turned his attention to the west ever since he 
encouraged George Rogers Clark to go forth from Virginia and 
conquer the Illinois country in the Revolution. He had learned the 
truth that the possession of New Orleans by any European power 
meant that the United States would essentially be a part of Europe. 
' The day that France takes possession of New Orleans," he 

' H. Adams, History of the United Slate;, II, 8, 9. 

278 F. J. Turner 

wrote, 1 " fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within 
her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who, in 
conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From 
that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation. 
We must turn all our attention to a maritime force, for which our 
resources place us on very high ground : and having formed and 
connected together a power which may render reinforcement of her 
settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon which 
shall be fired in Europe the signal for the tearing up any settle- 
ment she may have made, and for holding the two continents of 
America in sequestration for the common purposes of the United 
British and American nations." 2 

It is evident that the policy of Vergennes found supporters in 
the subsequent French governments. Even under the Bourbons, 
De Moustier, the minister to the United States, urged the reacquisi- 
tion of Louisiana. In the beginning of the French Revolution, the 
French government first proposed to unite with England in divid- 
ing Spanish America, and then the Girondists sent Genet to conquer 
Louisiana and the Floridas by the aid of the trans-Allegheny set- 
tlers. His successor urged the recovery of the province by diplo- 
macy, and France made strenuous efforts at Basel in 1795 and in 
the negotiations over alliance with Spain under the Directory in 
1796 to procure its restitution. Her military expert advised an 
Allegheny frontier for Louisiana, and, as the prospect of war be- 
tween France and the United States grew imminent, in 1796 the 
republic renewed the commission of George Rogers Clark and 
other Americans and expected aid from the frontiersmen. From 
that time until Napoleon's power reduced Spain to essential vassal- 
age and forced the cession of Louisiana, hardly a year elapsed in 
which France did not make an effort to secure that province and 
the Floridas. She proposed to use the ascendancy which she would 
possess over the river and the Gulf to force the United States to 

1 Jefferson's Works (ed. H. A. Washington, 1853-1854), IV, 432. 

2 When the French minister Adet was striving to secure the election of Jefferson to 
the presidency in 1796, he reported to his government this estimate of Jefferson's char- 
acter : "I do not know whether, as I am told, we will always find in him a man en- 
tirely devoted to our interests. Mr. Jefferson likes us because he detests England ; he 
seeks to unite with us because he suspects us less than Great Britain, but he would 
change his sentiments toward us to-morrow, perhaps, if to-morrow Great Britain ceased 
to inspire him with fear. Jefferson, although a friend of liberty and the sciences, al- 
though an admirer of the efforts which we have made to break our chains and dissipate 
the cloud of ignorance which weighs upon mankind, Jefferson, I say, is an American, and, 
by that title, it is impossible for him to be sincerely our friend. An American is the born 
enemy of European peoples" ( Adet' s despatch of 1796, Report of American Historical 
Association, igoj, II). 

Policy of France toward the Mississippi Valley 279 

become her servile ally, or to lose the west by reason of French 
pressure upon the frontiersmen. The language of Talleyrand indi- 
cates his belief that the Alleghenies were the natural boundary for 
the United States.. Napoleon's Louisiana policy was, therefore, 
simply the continuation of a long series of consistent attempts by 
the French government. 

Through the whole period France relied upon the friendship of 
the frontiersmen and upon negotiations with the " independent In- 
dian tribes " of the southwest to further her plans for dominating 
the trans-Allegheny region. 

The real question at issue was whether the control of the entire 
Mississippi valley and the Gulf of Mexico should fall to France, 
England, or the United States. In view of Spain's decline, the fate 
of Spanish America hinged upon the decision. The contest abund- 
antly illustrates the fact that a river is not a barrier, and conse- 
quently not a permanent boundary. No one who has studied the 
evidence of long-continued menace to the connection of the west 
with the rest of the United States made by the Alleghenies 1 prior 
to the railroads, can doubt that the danger was a real one, and 
that a European power might have arisen along the Mississippi val- 
ley and the Gulf of Mexico, dominating the interior by its naval 
force, and checking, if not preventing, the destiny of the United 
States as the arbiter of North America and the protector of an 
American system for the New World. 

Frederick Jackson Turner. 

' This danger was increased, owing to the indifference, and, at times, the antagonism 
ot the northeastern commercial section to the trans-Allegheny lands. 

IN JULY, 1789 

Although the dominant influence which Paris exerted upon 
the course of the French Revolution never has been doubted, 
its nature has often been misconceived. Sometimes it is taken to 
mean the coercion or overthrow of the government by such up- 
risings as those of July and October, 1789, or the dictatorship of 
the insurrectionary communes of August, 1792, and of June, 1793. 
Even if the influence of Paris were so restricted and episodical, it 
would be instructive to indicate exactly the relation of such popular 
movements to the administration of the city itself and to learn 
whether the appearance at the Hotel de Ville, August 10, 1792, or 
May 31, 1793, of a new set of delegates from the sections, super- 
seding the existing administration, was a peculiarly Jacobinical de- 
vice or was a characteristic feature of local political methods. The 
more one studies the politics of Paris in the early period of the 
Revolution, the less one is inclined to believe that the Jacobins were 
inventors, or that universal suffrage, introduced August 10, was 
responsible for party violence in 1793. It also seems beyond dis- 
pute that the spirit of domination which rendered Paris responsible 
for the excesses of the Terror was present in 1789, although checked 
at that time by the provisional government of the city and veiled 
under polite phrases of reverence for the decrees of the National 
Assembly and the person of the king. For these reasons there is 
no source from which new light upon the Revolution is more likely 
to come than from the records of the first provisional assemblies of 
Paris, those chosen to act for the city as a whole and those which 
brought together separately the voters of each of the sixty districts. 

The subject has also an interest of its own. Not until October 9. 
1790, was the new municipality definitively organized. Conse- 
quently for considerably more than a year after the collapse of the 
old government the city was under the control of an administration 
of which the separate parts were improvised, at first from day to 
day, and, until the middle of November, 1789, exposed to sudden 
and violent change. Quite apart from any influence Paris then 
exerted upon the Revolution, the period offers two features of almost 
equal interest — the actual construction of a provisional administra- 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, jySg 281 

tion amidst the ruins of old institutions and the political controversies 
which agitated the people as long as the nature of the new govern- 
ment was not finally settled. The spectacle of a great community 
— the population of Paris was toward 680.000 — passing suddenly 
from one regime to another, the first almost totally destroyed in 
a day and the second in no sense an outgrowth of it, must always, 
awaken curiosity. And it is not the fighting in the streets or the 
revolting murders, characteristic of popular convulsions, that pro- 
voke this curiosity, it is rather the spirit and manner in which men 
came forward to reorganize their affairs and to master a difficult 
situation. The interest is heightened by the fact that these men 
possessed little political experience, although many of them were of 
great intelligence and high standing in the community. The first 
phase of this effort, which ended when the " electors " gave place 
late in July, 1789, to the " Assembly of the Representatives of the 
Commune ", is the subject of the present article. 

To comprehend the difficulty of the task that suddenly con- 
fronted the Parisians on the twelfth and thirteenth of July it is 
necessary to know something of the administrative system which 
practically disappeared in the face of insurrection. Unhappily that 
system was so complex — as complex as the old regime — that only 
the more characteristic features can be indicated. 1 Not many great 
names are associated in the popular imagination with the old city 
organization. The one generally remembered is Etienne Marcel, 
provost of the merchants. His strong and tragic figure evokes 
the illusion of a centralized government controlled by one official. 
In 1789 there was still a provost of the merchants, but he was far 
from possessing an effective jurisdiction throughout the city. Of 
the various powers which did share the government the most impor- 
tant was the lieutenant-general of the police, who stood in much the 
same relation to Paris as did the intendants to the " generalities ". 
These intendants, it will be remembered, carried out the will of the 
central government, and were able to act within certain limits on 
their own authority. Nominally the head of the police was simply 
another lieutenant added to the four magistrates who presided at the 
Chatelet. He was therefore subordinate to the provost of Paris, 

1 The general history of Paris is briefly recounted by Fernand Bournon in Paris, 
Hi loire, Monuments, Administration, etc., Paris, 1888 ; also by II. de Pontich in the 
introductory portion of his Adtninistralion de la Ville de Paris, Paris, 1884. For a gen- 
eral description of the city in 1789 see H. Monin, L' Etal de Paris en ij8g, Eludes 
el Documents, 1889. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 19. 

282 H. E. Bow 11c 

who had his seat at the Chatelet but whose office, like that of the 
•governor of Paris, had become a sinecure. The addition of a 
lieutenant-general of police introduced an incongruous element into 
the Chatelet, which was an ancient court second in dignity only to 
the Parlement of Paris, for he was rather an administrator than a 
judge. As an administrator he was immediately dependent upon 
the minister of the maison du roi, to whose department Paris was 
assigned. The scope of his functions appears clearly in the dis- 
tribution of work among his ten bureaus. 1 It would be difficult to 
find a subject of administration which is not included, except those 
matters which touched the Seine, the river trade, the quays and 
bridges, and the ramparts. As head of the police he had also under 
him forty-eight commissioners, and an inspector for each of the 
twenty quarters of the city, besides detectives and informers 
" secretly employed and paid according to their works ". Although 
his force was small, it was supported by the guards of the city, par- 
ticularly the watch and the famous regiment of the gardes-fraucaises. 
But the lieutenant-general was something more than a judge, an 
administrator, and head of the police ; it was his duty to issue ordi- 
nances, similar to those commonly passed by American municipal 
assemblies. These ordinances were administrative in character and 
were intended to carry into effect existing royal decrees. 2 

Although the Hotel de Ville possessed less power than that 
which the Chatelet exercised through the lieutenant-general, it was 
the place where dwelt great traditions and toward which were 
turned hopes for a time when the name commune would be trans- 
formed into a political reality. The bureau de la ville was composed 
of the provost of the merchants, four aldermen, a secretary, a 
treasurer, and a law-officer, the procureur du roi de la ville. There 
were also twenty-four councilors, although no council in the proper 
sense of the word, and sixteen officers of quarters, with their sub- 
ordinates. These minor officials existed in theory more than in fact, 
and their names and functions served as a mute protest against the 
encroachments of the police. The attitude of ineffective defense is 
also signalized in the obstinate refusal to abandon the division into 
sixteen quarters and adopt a division into twenty provided in the 
police organization. The peculiar province of the Hotel de Ville 
was the river trade and everything that concerned it. It shared 

1 See Almanack Royal de ij8q, 423-427. Cf. Monin, op. at., 399-402. 

2 Such ordinances were registered by the Chatelet, and generally by Parlement also, 
in order that cases arising under them might be prosecuted in the courts and carried up 
on appeal. Not infrequently Parlement succeeded by protest in modifying such legisla- 
tion, whether it was due to the lieutenant-general himself or whether he was simply the 
instrument by which it was transmitted. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, ij8g 283 

with the lieutenant-general the duty of making arrangements for 
furnishing the city with an adequate supply of food. For this pur- 
pose its authority extended over the Seine and the rivers which 
flowed into the Seine. As both Paris and the generality of Paris 
were under the minister of the maison du roi, the relation of the 
city to the surrounding country was not simply that of being the 
best market. This relation is implied in the law which forbade 
speculators to buy wheat within ten leagues, a feature of the old 
regime which showed a strong tendency to persist even after the 
July revolution. 

In filling the positions of provost and aldermen there was an 
elaborate semblance of election. The provost was actually nom- 
inated by the king, but each year two aldermen were qhosen by a 
body composed partly of officials, partly of notable bourgeois sub- 
jected to a double sifting process. Almost the only valuable op- 
portunity of gaining experience in conducting business in public 
assemblies was offered by the fabriques or parish organizations. 
Here for the election of a responsible churchwarden, and to pass 
upon the accounts of the retiring churchwarden, two general as- 
semblies were held each year. In order to vote in these assemblies 
it was necessary to be rated on the tax list for at least six livres. 
The fact that the parishes were the only schools training men for 
united action might, but for their inequality of population, have 
made of them the natural subdivisions of the municipality when the 
•revolution of July took place. 


The beginnings of a new order of things were made half uncon- 
sciously during the elections to the States-General. The machinery 
designed to provide for the choice of the deputies of the Third 
Estate was to survive its original purpose and not only to bear for 
a time the burden of administration, but in a measure to control 
the lines on which the new provisional government was constructed. 

Before the method of election was arranged in detail, an attempt 
was made to bring together the electors of the three orders in a 
single assembly. The most urgent champions of this plan were the 
officials of the Hotel de Ville, according to whom " ecclesiastics, 
nobles, plebeians, were all collectively included in the title Bourgeois 
de Paris ". Their special purpose was to secure for the provost of 
the merchants and the bureau de la ville the honor of conducting 
the elections, an honor to which the Chatelet and the provost of 
Paris also laid claim. The decision of the government in favor of 
the Chatelet caused the resignation of the provost of the merchants, 

284 H. E. Bourne 

Le Peletier de Morfontaine. The vacancy was filled by the appoint- 
ment of Jacques de Flesselles, destined to be one of the victims of 
the July revolution. This decision did not, however, lead to an imme- 
diate abandonment of the plan of cooperation. The nobles them- 
selves began to urge it. Just before the primary assemblies were 
held they met and voted to send to the district assemblies of the 
Third Estate a protest " in favor of the preservation of the com- 
mune and of the right to form a single body, a right which the 
citizens of all orders of the Ville de Paris have always enjoyed ". 
Probably the nobles would have been unwilling to be treated as 
simple citizens. They, as well as the clergy, would have wished 
the same number of electors as the Third Estate. The Third Estate 
naturally feared " the Greeks bearing gifts ". They dreaded the 
prestige of the nobles and believed that in a single assembly the 
nobles might obtain control and secure a disproportionate number of 
deputations. This was not the only fear. There was a rumor that 
for the administration of the city there was to be created a com- 
mission in which the three estates should be equally represented. 
This provoked a motion in one district assembly that the clergy and 
the nobles should begin individually by entering the primary assem- 
blies as simple citizens. Had a loyal cooperation between the three 
orders of Paris been possible, it would have had an important influ- 
ence not only upon the method of voting in the States-General but 
also upon the municipal movement in July. 1 

The details of the elections were regulated by decree April 13 2 . • 
One of its most important provisions was a distribution of Paris 
into sixty arrondissements or districts, named generally from the 
churches in which the primary electoral assemblies were to meet. 
Although these districts grouped men who were strangers to one 
another and who had never been accustomed to act together, they 
were not long in acquiring a distinctive political character ; and 
what were devised in the spring as pieces of election machinery be- 
came in the fall semi-independent governments, formidable to the 
central authority not only of Paris but also of France. 

1 Chassin, Les Elections et les Cahiers de Paris en ijSg, 4 vols. ( Collection de docu- 
ments relatifs d V histoire de Paris pendant la Revohition fraticaise) ; see I, 122, 333- 
336, 359-362, II, 167, 218 ff. Also Motion faite par un citoyen dans V ' assemblee du 
district de St. -Germain des Pres (piece, Bibl. Nat. ). Count Lally-Tollendal, one of the 
most brilliant of the Constituents and a Paris nobleman, wrote in January, 1790 : " Plus 
on avait seme de desunion et de rivalite, plus un exemple d'union et de Concorde devenait 
necessaire. Celui qu'eut donne la capitale eut ete important. Un vceu commun, et 
juste autant qu'unanime, forme par huit cent mille citoyens, eut etouffe les semences de 
haine que des missionaires de discordes avaient repanduedans une partie de la France.'' 
Memoire ou second lettre (piece, Bibl. Nat,), 14-15. 

2 Reprinted in Chassin, I, 399-405. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, s/Sp 285 

It was the intention of the government to restrict as far as pos- 
sible the action of these district or primary assemblies. Their officers 
were to be chosen by the bureau de la ville, and they were not to 
forward to the general assembly of electors any cahiers or state- 
ments of principles. The . qualifications for voters excluded the 
bulk of the poorer workingmen. Those who paid a poll-tax of six 
livres were admitted to the primary assemblies, just as they had 
previously been admitted to parish assemblies. Capacity was recog- 
nized as establishing an alternative claim, proved by the possession 
of a university degree, of letters of mastership in the arts, or of 
certain official titles. Against the distinguishing features of these 
decrees there were many protests. The attempt to bridle the as- 
semblies was more generally criticized than anything else '. The 
size of the tax qualification, or the existence of any such qualifica- 
tion, was also here and there condemned. 

The primary assemblies of the Third Estate are interesting be- 
cause they were the first essay in political action by the Paris bour- 
geoisie. Elaborate military precautions had been taken against dis- 
turbances. Probably it was because of this display of authority, and 
of its natural consequence — rumors of a popular insurrection, that 
so many of the bourgeois did not appear 2 . Instead of from thirty 
to forty thousand being present, only 11,706 votes were cast. One 
man described his haste to enter the church before the crowd became 
too great, but to his astonishment no more people were there than 
there would have been had it been announced that the Abbe Cotin 3 
was to preach. Those who did come felt instinctively that a new 
day had dawned, that they had ceased to be merely subjects and had 
become citizens. Bailly, the Academician, who was to be the first 
mayor of Paris and who was to pay for his faults, if not for. his virtues, 
with his head, wrote, " When I found myself in the district assembly 
I felt that I was breathing a new atmosphere : it was a phenomenon 
to be something in the political order." 4 On the whole the meet- 
ings were tranquil. Even Montjoie, later a bitter adversary of the 
men who became the leaders in Paris, acknowledged this. He noted 
that except in the outskirts of the faubourgs there were present only 

1 See particularly Arrdtis concernant le choix des Electeurs de Paris (Bibl. Nat., 
piece), adopted, so says the pamphlet, in an assembly of citizens April 19. Chassin be- 
lieves it was prepared at the house of Adrien Duport, a friend of Lafayette. 

2 This is the opinion of more than one observer. Quenard, secretary of the district 
of Petits Augustins, asserts it in his Tableau historique, the introduction to Portraits 
des Personna^es cettbres de la Revolution , 38-39. Cf. Mes Loisirs, the manuscript jour- 
nal of Hardy (Bibl. Nat., Mss. fr. nouv. acq. 2667.) 

3 Immortalized by Moliere in the Femmes Savantes under the name Trissotin. 
* Bailly, Mimoires, II, 307. 

2 86 H. E. Bourne 

the elite of the bourgeoisie, members of the academies, lawyers, 
rich merchants, artisans, and artists. This was not a source of un- 
mixed satisfaction to him any more than to men of more democratic 
sympathies, for he saw out in the streets, the markets, and the work- 
shops the laborers who patiently took up day after day their painful 
tasks, but who could not approach these assemblies. " Who can tell 
us ", he thought, " if the despotism of the bourgeoisie will not suc- 
ceed the pretended aristocracy of the nobles ? " 1 

Although the assemblies gave no ground for fearing public out- 
breaks, their sessions revealed an ominous spirit of independence. 
Many of them decided to regard the decrees of April 13 as simple 
advice. They insisted upon organizing their assemblies and choos- 
ing their own officers. Sometimes they were content to elect the 
officials who had been sent to preside over them, in case these men 
were willing to regard such an election as the sole title to the posi- 
tion. At other times they selected men from their own number and 
disregarded the protests of the dispossessed officials. 2 Once in con- 
trol, the larger number of these assemblies did not adjourn until they 
had drawn up a cahier, some of them instructing their electors to be 
governed strictly by its terms 3 . In a few instances also a determined 
effort was made to render these assemblies permanent during the 
continuance of the States-General. Although this effort had no 
consequences of immediate importance, it is particularly interesting 
because it revealed tendencies in these districts which in July and 
afterward rendered them at once useful and formidable. 4 Like 
many other questions in the history of Revolutionary Paris, it is 
rendered obscure by the destruction of the municipal records in 
May, 1871. 

1 Montjoie, Histoire de la Revolution de France et de V Assemblee Nationale, I, 87. 

2 Chassin believes that only about ten conformed to the regulations, II, 337. 

3 The cahiers that have been preserved present various schemes for the reorganiza- 
tion of Paris as well as for improvements along the practical lines of public works, 
health, and industry. There is a general desire for a freely-elected body of municipal 
officers. For the text of these cahiers see Chassin, op. cit. 

'Although Montjoie speaks of the pretensions of the voters to remain assembled, 
his words throw no light on the scope of the movement, op. cit., I, 88. Quenard's re- 
mark, apropos of July 13, that the districts had been closed since the end of the elec- 
tions, is decisive, especially since it is supported by the records of the organization of the 
districts in July. Portraits, 43. Further evidence is offered by the fact that Charton, 
one of the electors, proposed in their assembly, July 10, that the districts be invited to as- 
semble in the places where they had been convoked in April, that they be authorized to 
name their own officers, and to remain in session until the withdrawal of the troops that 
surrounded Paris: Proces-verbal des seances et deliberations de V assemblee generate des 
electeurs de Paris, reunis a I' hotel de ville, le 14 jitillet 1789, redige depuis le 26 avril 
jusqu'au 21 mai 1789, par M. Bailly, . . . et depuis le 22 mai jusqu'au 30 juillet 1789, 
par M. Duveyrier, 3 vols., I, 158-159. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, ijSg 287 

The tendency toward permanence in one or two districts was 
purely practical in its character. Saint- Etienne du Mont decided to 
keep its organization together until it learned whether its refusal to 
obey the decrees governing the election would be held to invalidate 
the credentials of its electors. Just before the assembly of Saint- 
Roch completed its work, one of its members, " seeing with grief " 
the moment of separation, urged that the}' meet once a week in order 
to correspond with the Paris deputies at the States-General. His 
aim was the revival of public spirit 1 . In the only other cases about 
which definite information exists the aim was more distinctly polit- 
ical. The district Xotre-Dame held at least two meetings between 
the end of the primary assemblies and the uprising in July. At the 
second the question was raised of establishing a commission of sixty, 
with one delegate from each district, to formulate the opinions of 
the districts as new problems came up for discussion in the National 
Assembly. The question was also asked if the electors, who, as will 
be explained, had resumed their sessions, could take any decision 
without consulting the districts. 2 This is one of the earliest expres- 
sions of a determination that the primary assemblies must be con- 
sulted on every important matter even by the National Assembly. 
Those who most stoutly defended the doctrine knew more about the 
comitia tributa of the Romans than about the representative theory, 
which, indeed, they regarded as a medieval invention inconsistent 
with the sovereignty of the people. 

In another district a species of permanence was decided upon as 
a result of the energetic efforts of a man to whom Paris was to owe. 
its first provisional organization, Jean Pierre Brissot. Like many 
others, after the announcement of the States-General he published 
views on their organization and on the elections. 3 His desire to be 
chosen one of the deputies of Paris was scarcely veiled in these 
writings. And as far as qualifications were concerned he was fitted 
to take an intelligent part in the work of the States-General. He 
had resided in England, had traveled in America, and probably had 
a more accurate knowledge of American constitutional methods 
than any other Frenchman save Lafayette. Unhappily by what 

1 Discours (Bibl. Nat., piece), by Millin de Grandmaison. 

2 Seconde suite de V Assemblee du disl. on departement de Notre-Dame (Bibl. Nat., 
piece). Cf. Projet de Reglemenl (Bibl. Nat., piece), a radical expression of the refer- 
endum idea, submitted to the district Capucins de la Chaussee-d'Antin. 

3 His Plan de conduite appeared in April. He had also published Trots mots aitx 
Parisiens, a pamphlet not credited to him by Tourneux in his Bibliographie de V histoire 
de Paris pendant la Revolution, nor in the Catalogue de V histoire de France. For proof 
of his authorship, see his Scrutin de P Election de Paris, 7, and Patriate francais, no. 


2 88 H. E. Bourne 

Brissot felicitously called a " singular circumstance ", but which was 
nothing more singular than a lack of votes, he was not even chosen 
one of the electors. He at once determined to have his doctrines 
appear, if not his person. 1 After a bitter contest he persuaded his 
district, the Filles Saint-Thomas, to give imperative instructions to 
its electors. These instructions were substantially his work, if not 
drawn by him. What was still more important, he pushed through 
the creation of a committee of correspondence, which should corre- 
spond with the Paris deputies and which should remain in existence 
until a " Declaration of Rights " should be sanctioned. 

The electoral assembly was a repetition on a larger scene of 
what had been done in the districts. As the officers of the Chate- 
let who had been appointed to preside would not accept an elec- 
tion from the electors as alone giving them this right, they were 
courteously forced to withdraw, and the assembly chose its own 
officers. The electors also decided to continue their sessions during 
the States-General, although the government had assigned to them 
simply the task of selecting twenty deputies and drawing up a cahier. 
When the elections were completed, May 23, they adjourned until 
June 7 to meet at a place indicated by a committee 2 . It did not 
prove to be easy to carry this decision into effect. The minister, 
M. de Villedeuil, to whose department Paris belonged, when con- 
sulted by Bailly, replied that the mission of the electors was ended 3 . 
Nevertheless the committee went to the Hotel de Ville to ask the 
use of one of its halls. There it received a similar answer. By 
June 25 a private hall had been found in which the electors reas- 
sembled '. The momentous changes which resulted during these 
very days in the triumph of the Third Estate at Versailles compelled 
a different answer to the next request for a hall at the Hotel de 

'See Discours (Bibl. Nat., piece) prononce par M. Brissot de Warville, a l'Elec- 
tion du District de la rue des Filles Saint-.Thomas, le 21 Avril 1789, nouvelle edition, 
etc., and Observations sur la necessity d'etablir. . . . ties coviites de correspondance. This 
brochure is reedited by Chassin to appear as a motion made by Brissot, I, 400-402. 
It is apparent from his subsequent pamphlets, a Precis addressed to the electoral assem- 
bly and a Scrutm de I' Alec/ion de Paris 011 let/re de AI.B.D. W. a tin electeur, that he 
still hoped to be chosen a deputy ; warning the assembly of its duty to choose the best 
men whether they were electors or not. The electors did go outside of their number for 
four deputies, but Brissot was not among the four. 

2 One of the committee was Thuriot de la Roziere, who was to play a prominent 
part July 14, and who, during the Convention, was to be a leading Montagnard. An- 
other was Bancal des Issarts, a friend of Brissot and the Rolands. 

3 Bailly, Mkmoires, I, 235-236. 

'"Chez un traiteur de la rue Dauphine, dans une salle dite du Musee, qu'une 
societe de gens de lettres voulut bien leur ceder." Proces-verbal, I, 88. The elector 
Dusaulx says that two or three hundred met at this place. Insurrection Parisienne 
( L'ceuvre des sept jours), 16. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, ijSg 289 

Mile. The provost of the merchants did not allow the deputation 
even to conclude its formal speech, but interrupted with the declara- 
tion that the Hotel de Ville was " notre maison commune ". An 
assembly in which the influential men of Paris had confidence was 
thus installed in the natural home of the commune two weeks before 
circumstances threw upon it the heaviest responsibilities. 1 


The electoral assembly was as able a body of men as it would 
have been possible to choose from the bourgeoisie of Paris. It was 
often criticized because nearly half of the number were lawyers too 
much inclined to speechmaking. This reproach came from literary 
men who were inundating Paris with pamphlets. If it did remain 
chiefly a body of bourgeois, this was not altogether its fault, for 
invitations to the new sessions were sent to the electors of the other 
two orders. By July 14 only seventeen nobles and twenty-five 
ecclesiastics had responded. 

The first meetings of the electors were coincident with the crisis 
at Versailles. When a royal army began to gather about the city 
and disorder increased within it, various projects were brought 
before them for the reorganization of the municipal administration, 
for their own transformation into a communal assembly, and espe- 
cially for the establishment of a citizen guard. 3 Alarmed by the 
growing multitude of vagabonds, whom they called gens sans aveu 
or more briefly brigands, they looked upon such a guard chiefly as a 
protection against riot, incidentally depriving the ministry of its 
excuse for bringing an army into the neighborhood of Paris. It 
would also render the success of an attack on the city too doubtful 
to warrant the attempt. 3 Necker considered the establishment of a 
guard as the best means consistent with liberty of preventing a re- 
currence of scenes like the rescue of the mutinous gardes-francaises 
from the Abbaye prison. 4 

1 Flesselles gave his reasons in a letter to the Garde des Sceaux : " J'ai pense, Mon- 
seigneur, que l'etat des choses n'etait plus le meme qu'a l'epoque ou j'en avais fait le 
refus, parce que le Roi venait d'autoriser MM. les deputes a demander a leurs commet- 
tans des explications ou interpretations de leurs pouvoirs ; que, de plus dans le moment 
d'une agitation aussi forte que celle qui regne, il etait de la prudence et de la sagesse du 
Bureau de la Ville d'accueillir la demande qui lui etait faite." Chassin, III, 445-446. 

2 The first motion was made June 25 by Nicholas de Bonneville, and inserted in the 
Proch-verbal of July 10, when several other motions in a similar sense impelled him to 
insist on priority. Procks-verbal, I, 130 ff. Cf. projects of Carra, Bancal des Issarts, 
and Charton, ibid., 139 ff. 

3 This appears from the several propositions as well as from the form the matter 
finally took July II. Ibid., I, 173-174. 

* Bailly says Necker made this remark to him July I, Memoires, I, 267. 

290 H. E. Bourne 

The news of the dismissal of Necker did not reach Paris until 
long after noon, Sunday, July 12. Rumors of the incidents in the 
Palais Royal, on the boulevards, and in the Place Louis XV impelled 
the people to gather at the Hotel de Ville. Some of the electors also 
came about six o'clock. They could never forget the scenes that 
met their eyes at that time and for the next ten days. 1 The problem 
would have been difficult had the crowd been composed wholly of 
honest men who sought arms only to defend themselves against an 
attack which they heard had already begun. But in this crowd 
came hundreds who realized that for the first time they could 
indulge in all sorts of violence without being locked up in the prisons 
and broken on the wheel the next day. Indeed they could count 
upon being regarded as energetic patriots to whom the authorities 
could address kindly counsel and not sharp words of warning. 
These men revealed their presence by threatening to burn the Hotel 
de Ville if their demands were not granted. 

The crowd did not respect the enclosure within which the electors 
were gathering. They pressed the electors back upon the officers' 
bureau. A thousand confused voices demanded arms, the order to 
sound the tocsin, authority for the citizens to arm in order to repulse 
the troops. The electors had no legal powers, and they could not 
give to others what they did not themselves possess, but this was no 
time for a discussion of delicate questions of legality. They directed 
the concierge to deliver the arms that were at the Hotel de Ville. 
The impatient mob soon broke into the room where the arms of the 
gardes de la ville were stored. This act of doubtful wisdom, con- 
sidering that the guards were an effective though small force, was 
more than equaled a moment after when a vagabond clad in a shirt, 
with bare legs and no shoes, shouldered a gun and took the place 
of a disarmed guard at the door of the great hall. Finally about 
eleven o'clock there was a sufficient number of electors present to 
take more general measures. It was voted that the districts should 
be convoked at once and that electors should go through the city 
and disperse the mobs. Already sinister reports had come that the 
vagabonds were spreading themselves armed and threatening through 
all quarters. 

The thirteenth was for Paris the most critical day of the up- 
heaval. The real danger came not so much from the troops about 
the city as from the disorderly elements within it. The government 
was too irresolute to order an attack when the attitude of the Paris- 

1 The description of incidents at the Hotel de Ville is taken from the Proces-verbal 
except where otherwise noted. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, ij8g 291 

ians was so bold. But the sacking of the convent Saint Lazare, the 
opening of the doors of the prison La Force, the attempt of the 
prisoners at the Chatelet to break out, the burning of the barriers, 
proved that if vigorous action was not taken the city was in grave 
danger, and that, at the least, the honesty of its political aims would 
be compromised. The action of the electors was given a certain 
color of legality because of the cooperation of the bureau de la ville, 
although this bureau had no authority to take the measures it became 
partly responsible for. Neither electors nor bureau assumed an 
attitude openly hostile to the king. The circumstances offered an 
excuse for what they did on the thirteenth, although had an attack 
been made by the royal army it is evident that they would have 
managed or organized the defense. This is proved by what occurred 
on the fourteenth. 

On this first day there was no note of discord between the electors 
who had assumed extraordinary powers and the district assemblies. 
These bodies were busied with their organization and with provi- 
sional measures of defense. Early in the morning the ringing of 
the bells called the citizens to the churches where they had met to 
choose their electors in April 1 . The electors also began to gather at 
the Hotel de Ville. To quiet the clamorous multitude they an- 
nounced that the establishment of the citizen guard had already been 
voted, and asked the citizens to return to their districts. Cries for 
arms were the only response to this request. When they explained 
that they knew nothing of the city administration and that it was 
necessary to appeal to the provost of the merchants, the crowd de- 
manded that he be found. 2 Not long afterward he came, and soon 

'Hardy wrote in his journal : "Vers dix heures du matin rue St.JacqUes. . . . se 
fait entendre un tambour qui annoncait de la part des officiers qu'en eut a se reunir a 
l'instant par districts dans les differentes eglises, comme on l'avait deja fait au mois 
d'avril precedent. . . . et bientot apres ces Eglises font entendre une seule cloche en 
forme de tocsin pour appeler les citoyens de tous les ordres aux differentes assemblies." 
But this honest bourgeois could not attend his assembly because "mon epouse ne veut 
jamais me laisser aller". MS. cit., VIII, 385. 

2 Dusaulx says the people believed that there was a secret arsenal at the Hotel de 
Ville, a notion nearly fatal to the electors. Op. cit., 28. In the afternoon a large sup- 
ply of powder was seized just as it was being despatched to Rouen. It was saved with 
difficulty from the mob on the Place de la Greve. Before this new stock arrived, in order 
to protect from plunder what was already at the Hotel de Ville a brave ecclesiastic, the 
Abbe Lefevre [Lefebvre], undertook to supervise its distribution, and remained at his 
perilous post for thirty-six hours, constantly menaced by pistols, pikes, and knives. One 
of the mob sat tranquilly on a barrel of powder smoking a pipe. Happily he had a thrifty 
soul and was willing to sell the pipe to the abbe for three francs. Rapport des Journes s 
du 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 juillet, Abbe Lefevre, Arch. Nat., C 134, dossier 6. Cf. 
Prods-verbal, I, 231-235. During the night of July 13-14 the electors at the Hotel de 
Ville disarmed more than 150 vagabonds, drunk with wine and brandy and asleep in the 
halls. Ibid., 270. 

292 H. E. Bourne 

the law-officer and the four aldermen were there also. The right to 
preside was conceded to the provost. One of the electors assumed 
that the crowd was Paris and stated the question to it. The new 
sovereign at once confirmed the decision. The members of the 
bureau de la ville were asked to join the electors in taking the neces- 
sary measures. They voted to form a permanent committee 1 , chosen 
by the assembly and divided into subcommittees, to take charge of 
provisioning the city, of organizing the guard, and the like. The 
lieutenant-general of the police was sent for to furnish necessary 
information. Each of the districts was asked to draw up a list of 
200 persons, subsequently to be increased, to constitute the guard 
and to provide for public security according to instructions to be 
furnished by the permanent committee. The districts were also to 
receive the arms of persons who were attached to no district. 
Finally they were asked to confirm these decrees. From this time 
forward until the first crisis was past the permanent committee was 
the center of activity. The electors adjourned until afternoon, 
while the committee elaborated its plan of a milice parisienuc.- 

The committee was to receive little assistance from the lieutenant- 
general of police. He promised what information his subordinates 
could offer about the method of provisioning the city, but he felt the 
personal danger which threatened him and which resulted that night 
in the sack of his hotel. It was of little service that the electors 
made him jointly responsible with the bureau de la ville for this 
important task. The attempt is interesting, for it shows how disin- 
clined they were to disorganize the existing administration. They 
kept as close to the borders of legality as possible. The conduct of 
Flesselles- was within the next few hours to bring suspicion upon 
the bureau de la ville and to make a preservation of the old machinery 
impossible. Flesselles was a royal officer. As such he was naturally 
anxious not to compromise himself. The most reasonable theory 
of his conduct was that he was endeavoring to gain time, and that 
while he accepted a position as presiding officer of the electors and 
of the permanent committee, he was reluctant to cooperate effectively 

'The title " permanent ", afterward so misunderstood, meant a committee which 
was to meet day and night. Cf. Dusaulx, 27. When its members were chosen, the 
crowd complained that only electors were named. One of the electors cried out, 
" Whom do you wish that we name ? " " Me ", replied a modest patriot, and he was 
chosen by acclamation. 

2 Late in the day the command of the new guard was offered to the Due d' Aumont, 
with the Marquis de la Salle as second in command. La Salle became commander the 
following day because of the irresolution of d' Aumont. The colors of the guard were 
to be blue and red. The district Notre-Dame tied the two with a white ribbon, antici- 
pating the tricolor. MS. Arch. Nat., C 134. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, ijSg 293 

in arming the bourgeoisie. He was accused of sending deputations 
of districts which asked for arms to places where no stock of arms 
had ever been kept, and of causing boxes of clothing marked 
" artillerie " to be sent to the Hotel de Ville. But he could hardly 
have been foolhardy enough to have attempted so transparent an 
artifice as the last, and in the other cases he may have been himself 
deceived as well as other members of the permanent committee. 1 

Meanwhile the districts had been busy organizing, drawing up 
lists for the guard, establishing patrols, and disarming the vaga- 
bonds who during the earlier part of the day almost had possession 
of the streets. The success with which they carried out this plan 
became apparent before night. The result is best described by an 
English travelei 2 : 

Early in the afternoon (July 13) we began to perceive among the motley 
groups of mob who paraded the streets with such symptoms of irritation as 
must soon have produced excess, here and there a man of decent exterior, 
carrying a musket, and assuming a respectable military appearance. The 
number of these gradually increased, and it was evidently their intention 
at once to conciliate and disarm the irregular band ; and this appeared 
to be principally effected before the evening, at which time the regularly 
armed citizens almost exclusively occupied the streets. 

This traveler, Dr. Rigby, marveled at the extraordinary address 
which the citizens showed in accomplishing their delicate task. 
They were helped by the gardes-francaises, most of whom had cast 
in their lot from the first with the party of resistance to the royal 
troops and who felt that they would be ruined if the affair degen- 
erated into a riotous orgy. 3 

During the momentous hours of the fourteenth the burden fell 
almost exclusively upon the permanent committee, for because of- 
the multitude that had invaded the Hotel de Ville it was impossible 
for the electors to organize their assembly until the day was over. 
The action of the committee showed the same conservative desire 

1 Cf. Dusaulx, 34. Also Recti des Tenlatives du Dist. des Mathzirins, pour se pro- 
curer des amies et munitions dans la journee du Lundi, ij juillet Jj8<? (Bibl. Nat., 

2 Dr. Rigby's Letters from France, 55, 57. Jefferson was also surprised at the good 
order so promptly reestablished. Montjoie noted the change in the streets, op. cit., part 
III, 86. Cf. the summary of what was accomplished given by the secretary of the elec- 
tors. Proces-verbal, I, 263. 

3 Jules Flammermont, La Journee du 14. juillet i"j8q, clxxx, note 2, quotes this 
view of the conduct of the gardes-francaises from the despatches of the Saxon minister, 
Salrnour. Not all the gardes-francaises had as yet abandoned their officers. One post 
on the Chaussee-d'Antin declined on the night of the thirteenth to send a guard to the 
Hotel de Ville. Prodi-verbal, I, 255. 

294 H. E. Bourne 

to remain within the bounds of legality, and, when this was impos- 
sible, to take measures which were likely to restore order or preserve 
the city from actual attack. Early in the morning, impelled by 
constant rumors that the royal troops were advancing into the fau- 
bourgs, it caused barricades to be constructed, ditches dug, and all 
other measures to be taken which could effectively oppose the 
entrance of the royal troops. A little before this fithis de Corny, 
the law-officer of the Hotel de Ville, was sent to the Invalides to 
ask for arms, but he arrived only to be a helpless spectator while a 
multitude composed of delegations of districts, bodies of the new 
citizen guard, and gens sans aveu burst through the gates or esca- 
laded the low ramparts and ransacked the vast building, carrying off 
32,000 guns. 

The committee was even less successful at the Bastille. At eight 
o'clock, when it was reported that the guns of this fortress were 
trained on the Rue Saint-Antoine, a deputation was sent to assure 
De Launey that the people would make no attack on him and to 
urge him to withdraw his guns. The request was complied with, 
and this intervention might have been successful had the deputation 
at once returned to the Hotel de Ville. Unhappily the members 
accepted De Launey's invitation to breakfast. The long delay led 
the crowd about the fortress to suspect that they were being held as 
prisoners. But the more disastrous consequence was that the com- 
mittee was left in ignorance of the situation and was unable there- 
fore to take any measures to restrain the crowd, which grew mo- 
mentarily more excited and which threatened the garrison. Indeed 
this first deputation did not reach the Hotel de Ville until just before 
the fighting began. In order to put an end to the actual conflict the 
committee sent another deputation to ask De Launey to receive into 
the Bastille a detachment of the mi lice parisienne, which should 
guard the fortress in company with the garrison, but which should 
remain under the command of the committee. Matters became crit- 
ical before the return of this delegation, which did not succeed in 
communicating with De Launey. It was determined to send an- 
other, this time with drum and flag of truce. The crowd was so 
convinced that the fighting was due to the treachery of De Launey 
that the committee or at least the military bureau felt forced to 
abandon its attitude of mediation and to cooperate in the attack in 
case the last deputations failed. 1 About the same time Hulin, unknown 
to the committee, led to the Bastille a body of gardes-francaiscs who 
had placed themselves at the service of the committee earlier in the 

'/bid., 335. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, i/Sg 295 

day. They took with them several cannon and trained cannon- 
eers. It was these cannon and the guards which effected the capture 
of the Bastille. After they had gone the two deputations returned, 
the last reporting that even its flag had been fired upon with every 
appearance of treachery. 

The fighting at the Bastille had sinister echoes at the Hotel de 
Ville. It is impossible in a few words to suggest the horror of 
confusion against which the committee and the few electors who 
were able to gather were forced to struggle. Mingled among 
reputable citizens, demanding arms or making complaints, were 
curiosity seekers and vagabonds. These men constantly menaced 
the lives of the committee and threatened to burn the Hotel de Ville. 
On the seats surrounding the great hall, where the electors were to 
meet, was a crowd armed with guns, pikes, sabers, and even with 
sticks to which knives were fastened. Another part of the room 
was filled by men whose sinister features reminded the electors of 
the vagabonds who had been disarmed the day before. They were 
now armed for the most part with ancient battle-axes and halberds 
which came from the plunder of the garde meuble. All these men 
kept calling for the electors, a small number of whom were present, 
but who were powerless to compel silence or even to find a place to 
sit down. 1 

While the result of the struggle at the Bastille was still in doubt, 
a deputation from the Palais Royal appeared denouncing Flesselles 
as a traitor. 2 At first Flesselles was scarcely able to face his ac- 
cusers with calmness. To give himself countenance he attempted 
to eat a crust of bread, but he could scarcely swallow. One of the 
oldest members of the committee, Dusaulx, energetically defended 
him, urging that it was dangerous to dispute while men were being 
killed at the Bastille. Reasoning of this sort satisfied everybody 
except the men from the Palais Royal. It was then that the second 
deputation to the Bastille was despatched, partly as a countermove 
to the denunciators. But these men insisted that Flesselles at least 
go into the great hall. He felt himself lost, but went out saying, 
" Come, gentlemen, come to the great hall, and let the committee 
work a little ". Probably he would have been murdered on the spot 
had the mob not been afraid of killing one of the electors. 

Shortly after this the news of the fall of the Bastille came, and 
with it rushed in another crowd with some of the prisoners. The 

1 Abridged from Pitra's account, in the Flammermont edition, op. cit., 10. 

2 This was the first exploit of the Palais Royal since authority had changed hands, 
and it indicated that, whatever the regime, that group of agitators was likely to remain 
restless and arrogant. 

296 H. h. Bourne 

joy of the conquest did not displace the desire for the blood of the 
conquered, and in spite of the heroic efforts of £lie, one of the leaders 
in the fight against the Bastille, two of the prisoners were snatched 
away by the mob, and were hanged in front of the Hotel de Ville. 
Another victim was wanted. New accusations were raised against 
Flesselles. His colleagues now maintained an ominous silence. It 
was proposed that he be held as a hostage or imprisoned in the 
Chatelet, but the general opinion demanded that he go to the Palais 
Royal to be judged. Flesselles abandoned himself to his fate, be- 
wildered no doubt by the new theory of liberty that erected into a 
supreme tribunal any crowd bold enough to arrogate to itself such 
functions. He said simply, " Well, then, gentlemen, come to the 
Palais Royal ". He descended the stairs and crossed the square 
unmolested, but at the corner of the Quai Pelletier he was shot by 
an unknown young man. 1 His head and his body immediately shared 
the fate of those of De Launey and the other victims of the mob's 


The capture of the Bastille marked the decisive defeat of the 
party which had persuaded the king to surround Versailles and Paris 
with an army and appoint a reactionary ministry. Paris had little 
to fear save from itself. The irremediable ruin of the old admin- 
istration had been signalized by the murder of the provost of the 
merchants and the resignation of the lieutenant-general of the police. 
The task of restoring order and of securing a supply of food had 
fallen to the electors and to their committee. The new civic guard 
could protect life and property, but since its orders came from sixty 
different districts it could contribute little to the reestablishment of 
normal conditions. Indeed by constantly arresting carriages and 
individuals it increased the confusion. The barriers were also closed, 
so that little food could be brought into the markets and the octroi 
could not be collected. The permanent committee attempted to 
master the situation by dividing its own work among four bureaus 
and by organizing constant cooperation between itself or the electors 
and the districts. To bring about harmonious action was exceed- 
ingly difficult. Projects were voted but not carried into effect. 
One of these projects asked the districts to send a deputy each morn- 
ing and evening to the Hotel de Ville to deliberate with the electors. 
Had it been adopted by the districts, it might have forestalled the 

1 Flammermont, in order to relieve the fourteenth of July of the odium of this murder, 
suggests that it was due to private vengeance. 

improvising a Government in Paris, July, 1789 297 

action of the more restless of them to replace the electors by a new 
assembly of delegates. 1 

The district assemblies with singularly few exceptions concerned 
themselves with the practical problems of order. Occasionally they 
sent deputies or commissioners to the Hotel de Ville to act with the 
electors or to report their action. One district which later opposed 
the establishment of any strictly representative central assembly went 
so far on this first day of revolution as to authorize the electors to 
declare themselves the representatives of the commune, with power 
to do anything necessary to maintain the public security. 2 Brissot 
persuaded his district to request the others to unite in creating a 
committee of safety, composed of six members from each. This act, 
however, had no immediate consequences. :< 

In several instances the more natural grouping by parishes was 
hastily adopted. This movement was strong in the parish of Saint- 
Severin. The members abandoned their districts and excluded other 
men who had in April met at Saint-Severin as the district head- 
quarters. They even threatened with violence their neighbors of 
the parish of Saint-Germain-le-Vieil, if they did not immediately 
withdraw. This forced the three neighboring parishes to adopt the 
same system. A little later Saint-Severin discovered that the dis- 
trict system was too firmly established in other parts of the city to 
be shaken. 4 

The most important event of the fifteenth was the choice of 
Lafayette as commander of the new guard and of Bailly as mayor. 
A deputation was sent by the National Assembly to convey the news 
that the king had given way completely and that the troops were to 
be withdrawn from Paris and Versailles. Lafayette was at the head 
of this delegation and Bailly was one of its prominent members. 
After it had been formally received and, on the proposition of the 
archbishop of Paris, was about to go to Notre Dame to render thanks 
to God by a Te Deum for the restoration of peace, suddenly cries 
were heard proclaiming Lafayette commandant-general de la milice 
parisienne, ignoring the fact that the Marquis de la Salle had al- 
ready been appointed to this position. Earlier in the day among 

1 Proces-verbal, I, 425-427. An interesting account of the difficulty of getting out 
of Paris even on the fifteenth is given in Dr. Rigby's Letters from France, 72-83. 

2 This was the Premontres. MS. Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier I. 
*Arr2lte, Filles Saint-Thomas, du 13 juillet 1789 (Bibl. Nat., piece). 

* District et Paroisse de St.-Severin (Bibl. Nat., piece). For Saint-Germain-le- 
Vieil, see Memoire, MS. Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier 6. Cf. Bibl. Nat. Mss. fr. nouv. acq. 
2696, fol. 49, and Hardy, VIII, 392, 398. Hardy says the parish system was in gen- 
eral favor as late as July 16. Certain districts also met first as parishes. Loustallot 
argued a month later in Revolutions de Paris, no. VIII, p. 7, that the parish system was 
more effective. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOX. X. — 20. 

29S H. E. Bourne 

several electors gathered about the bureau discussing the question 
of the command, Moreau de Saint-Mery had silently pointed to the 
bust of Lafayette on the mantel, and all had agreed that the defense 
of French liberty should be intrusted to the " Illustrious Defender 
of the Liberty of the New World" 1 . Bailly was in the same manner 
proclaimed provost of the merchants, but the title was immediately 
changed to mayor of Paris. He stammered out a few expressions 
of gratitude and protested his incapacity to bear so heavy a bur- 
den. He accepted the office under the impression that he was to fill 
merely the place of nominal honor left vacant by the death of Fles- 
selles, but he soon learned that the departure of Necker and the 
resignation of De Crosne had abandoned to the new officials both 
subsistence and the police. It was characteristic of Bailly that al- 
though the appointment to the office of provost of the merchants 
belonged to the king and although he still recognized the king's 
right, he adopted a waiting attitude because he was told that Paris 
would be displeased if he requested royal confirmation 2 . 

Both Bailly and Lafayette entered upon their duties at once. It 
had become evident that for the moment the most important task 
was to provide the city with food. If nothing was done, within two 
days there would be no bread. Bailly immediately passed into the 
committee of subsistence, which, created by the permanent com- 
mittee on the fifteenth, was enlarged by the electors the following 
day. M. de Montaran, intcndant du commerce, and M. Doumer, 
who had been purchasing wheat and flour, were also to assist in this 
work. M. de Crosne, who had not dared to retain his position as 
lieutenant-general of the police, also came until his life was in danger 
and he was obliged to emigrate. The task was enormous, because 
under the paternal theory of administration the grain trade had only 
for short periods of time been left to take care of itself, and conse- 
quently when, terrified by the excesses of the thirteenth and four- 
teenth, all the minor agents of the administration fled, a new system 
had to be improvised hastily to save the city from famine. It was 
impossible to entrust the task to experienced hands like those of 
M. Doumer. He had been Necker's agent, but he was associated 
with the old order, and distrust was so great that to give him au- 
thority in this matter would probably have led only to his own 

1 Proccs-verbal, I, 422. The bust was the gift of the state of Virginia. Already 
on the thirteenth Brissot had proposed Lafayette as colonel-general of the guard. MS. 
Arch. Nat. W. 

2 Bailly, Mimoires, II, 39-40. Since the permanent committee had appointed La 
Salle commander, a delicate question would have arisen had not La Salle gracefully 
withdrawn, offering to serve under Lafayette. When he wrote his memoirs, Lafayette 
seems to have been under the impression that La Salle had resigned. II, 259. 

Improvising a Government in Paris , July, */<$<? 299 

destruction as a " detestable monopolist ". The legend of the parte 
de famine was firmly established in the popular mind. Important 
as this work was, Bailly's constant attendance at the committee gave 
the electors an opportunity to ignore their new chief, and to set an 
example which, followed by the subsequent assemblies, brought war 
into the new provisional government. 1 

With a curious inconsequence the electors on the sixteenth voted 
the immediate demolition of the Bastille, a fortress belonging to the 
king, which they treated as lawful prize of war, and on the same 
day sent a deputation to present to him the " respect, love, and 
fidelity of all the inhabitants of his good town of Paris ", and par- 
ticularly to thank him for ordering the withdrawal of the troops 
and throwing himself unreservedly upon the support of the National 
Assembly. This was a startling indication of the extent of the 
revolution of the fourteenth. The royal authority was destroyed. 
It rested with the provisional government of Paris to say what 
should be done with the property of the crown within its reach. 

The victory of Paris was confirmed by the coming of the king 
the following day. This fact furnished point to a not altogether 
happy bon mot of the new mayor, who handed the king the keys at 
one of the barriers. " These ", he said, " are the same keys that 
were presented to Henry IV ; he had reconquered his people : here 
it is the people which has reconquered its king." The preparation 
for the ceremony gave the old bureau de la ville an opportunity to 
display its ancient privileges for the last time. 2 The members were 
permitted without protest from the electors to distinguish themselves 
from this body by wearing the formal municipal costume. They 
even went so far as to raise the question whether they should present 
themselves on their knees. To the profuse expressions of affection 
and respect which the assembly gave him the king replied, " The 
best manner of proving your attachment to me is to reestablish 
tranquility and to put the malefactors who shall be arrested into the 
hands of ordinary justice." 3 He also expressed his pleasure that 
Bailly was mayor and Lafayette commander. Just as he was enter- 
ing his carriage he said more formally to Lafayette that he con- 
firmed his nomination. Lafayette, however, sought a confirmation 
more suited to the new order of affairs. 

1 Bailly, Memoires, 70-73. 

2 The feeling against the bureau de la ville was increasing in the districts. Saint- 
Germain-]' Auxerrois protested against receiving its propositions unless countersigned by 
the electors. MS. Arch. Nat. C 134. Cf. Proces-verbal, II, 68. 

3 Ibid., 102. 

300 H. E. Bourne 


Already on the sixteenth the interesting question of the authority 
of the electors to administer the affairs of the city was discussed. 
Two days before, the district of the Cordeliers, which later under 
the leadership of Danton was to wage war on the central assembly, 
had protested against the use of the title " permanent " by a com- 
mittee strictly provisional and of which the districts must preserve 
the right to choose members 1 . The question first presented itself 
upon the legality of the permanent committee, which, as was argued, 
had been named by citizens of all classes who happened to be in the 
Hotel de Ville on the morning of the thirteenth. It was at once 
acknowledged that even the electors who were in the committee ex- 
ercised a doubtful authority, because they had been chosen to elect 
deputies to the States-General, and not to administer municipal 
affairs. The result of the discussion was the appointment of a com- 
mission to present a plan for a " provisional committee ", " which 
should unite to the legality of its powers a wise distribution of all 
municipal functions ". According to ordinary principles of law this 
could not be done without the cooperation of the king in his council 
or at least of the National Assenfbly. The old regime and its legal 
basis was, however, destroyed, and for it was substituted the theory 
of local popular sovereignty in an extreme form. 

In his attempt to organize the new military power Lafayette 
pointed the way to the electors, who were soon forced by popular 
agitation to follow. If the new organization were to be legal, he 
said, it must be agreed upon with him by the deputies of all the dis- 
tricts, who should bring to the Hotel de Ville the general wish of die 
commune. At the same time he asked that the new force be called 
the " garde nationale de Paris ". His suggestions were at once 
voted. Within three days this committee was organized, and, after 
ten days of hard work, it had the most important titles of the new 
regulation ready to submit to the districts for adoption, subject to 
such changes as experience might suggest. 2 The promptitude and 
energy with which it accomplished this work, so vitally important 
to the preservation of peace in Paris and even to the performance of 
the ordinary duties of police, is in strange contrast with the inability 
of the mayor and the assembly to bring anything definite to pass and 
to extricate themselves from the circle of their own disputes. It is 
true their task was more general and they were constantly interrupted 
by a multitude of administrative questions. 

1 Exlrait die prods-verbal . . . ties Cordeliers, 14 juillet (Bibl. Nat., piece). 

2 Proces-verbal de la formation et des operations du cotnite militaire de la ville de 
Paris (Bibl. Nat., piece). 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, 1789 30 1 

On the eighteenth Bailly and Lafayette asked the electors that 
their designation as mayor and commandant be confirmed by popular 
vote. Lafayette also suggested that the wishes of the citizens be 
obtained concerning the composition of the new municipal body. 
Without waiting for the report of their commission, the electors 
adopted a plan, only to change it at the evening session on the same 
day. Although they did not settle the entire question, it was decided 
to transform the permanent committee into a provisional committee 
and to ask each district to choose one member two days later. 1 
This decree was sent to the districts the next morning. Already 
there were various independent schemes in circulation which would 
cause it to be regarded with circumspection. As one copy was 
made to do duty for several districts, the reception was even more 
lukewarm than might otherwise have been expected. In two or 
three districts there were indorsed on the copy questions as to its 
legality and complaints about the manner or the promptitude of 
delivery. One district declined to receive it at all because it was not 
signed by at least three electors. Most of the officials simply noted 
its delivery and declared its contents would be laid before the as- 
semblies 2 . Before stating the result of this attempt to solve the 
problem, it is necessary to explain the independent plans which were 
its rivals. 

fithis de Corny had endeavored to identify himself thoroughly 
with the new regime. He had taken a prominent part in the events 
of the fourteenth. He now turned to the districts and, making use 
of the formulae of his old position as law-officer, " required " them 
in view of the stagnation of affairs and the lack of uniformity in 
their management to name one or several members, who were to 
form a committee empowered to maintain order and provide for 
necessary business. He argued that the permanent committee was 
in reality provisional, and that the mission of the electors was indeed 
terminated, as several of them had publicly declared. This requisi- 
tion was printed and sent to each district 5 . Even if it did not fulfil 
its author's purpose, it served to show the districts that the solution 
of the problem was in their hands and that the electors could not 
settle it summarily. 

Another plan destined to have complete success in its main fea- 
tures originated in the committee of the Filles Saint-Thomas, of 

1 Proces-verbal, II, 122-123, 128-129, 135-136. 

2 The several copies of the decree, with the list of the districts at which each was 
to be exhibited, and with the indorsements or comments of the district officials who saw 
them, are preserved in Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier 6, folios 27-32. 

*Eib1. Nat., Mss. fr. nouv. acq. 2683. 

302 H. E. Bourne 

which Brissot was president. This plan differed from the one he 
had suggested on the thirteenth, for much had happened since that 
time. The committee proposed that as the permanent committee 
had not received the approbation of the citizens, each district should 
choose two deputies, forming a committee of 120, to be associated, 
if the districts wished, with the permanent committee in the task of 
maintaining public order, and, in concert with Bailly and Lafayette, 
to agree upon a municipal constitution for Paris, which should be 
reported to the districts for their approval 1 . This document was at 
once sent to all the districts. It was adopted on the same day, with 
a few changes which rendered it more hostile to the permanent com- 
mittee, by the general assembly of Saint-Germain des Pres, and its 
influence can be traced in the action of other districts 2 . Its final 
results were apparent only several days later. 

Even had the new provisional committee been organized, it is 
doubtful if the electors would have been allowed to remain as an 
assembly at the Hotel de Ville. It had occurred to sixteen districts 
to send their delegates new powers, but so simple a method of con- 
stituting a temporary administration was distasteful to the majority, 
especially to the eager politicians who hoped to succeed the electors 3 . 
Moreover, the provisional committee was never formed. Several 
districts chose their members, but others, perhaps confused by the 
letter of £this de Corny or preferring the plan suggested by Brissot. 
sent to the Hotel de Ville from two to eight delegates. This affair 
did not have time to work itself out before Bailly, imitating Lafay- 
ette's example for the military organization, and doubtless with the 
Brissot plan before his eyes, proposed a plan of his own, which soon 
led to a solution. 4 

1 Arrttis du Comite general du dist. des Filles Saint-Thomas. Du 18 Juillet 
(Bibl. Nat., piece). Cf. a Deliberation de P assemblee generate of same district, July 
21 (Bibl. Nat., piece). 

2 Extrait des deliberations (18 juillet, 178Q) (Bibl. Nat., piece). A comparison of 
the two decrees shows that the decree of Saint-Germain des Pres was the Filles Saint- 
Thomas decree with erasures and additions. 

3 Bailly says, " beaucoup de personnes les voyaient avec peine, c'est-a dire avec 
envie, administrer le6 affaires. Chaque district administrait dans son arrondissement ; 
ceux qui y primaient avaient l'ambition de s'elever a 1'administration generale". Me- 
moires, II, 125. Bailly's later chagrins may have predisposed him to look unfavor- 
ably upon these eager ambitions. Quenard and Godard write in the same tone. Even 
Loustallot later appeared to regret the electors when the new statesmen gained control ; 
see Revolutions de Paris, no. VII. 

4 M. Lacroix in his notes, Actes de la Commune de Paris, I, 17-19, also shows 
that the comite provisoire never came into existence. He remarks that the list fur- 
nished by Robiquet, Personnel Municipal de Paris, 33, is the list of the military com- 
mittee organized July 19. But his own account of the matter is incomplete, because he 
has not noticed several of the documents in the case. He asks which of the two decrees, 
morning or evening, was executed. The copies of the decision sent on the nineteenth 
to the districts answer the question. They give both decrees, the afternoon decree as 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, 1789 3°3 

Bailly did not intend to take the administration immediately out 
of the hands of the electors. The function of the proposed com- 
mittee of 120 was first to work with Lafayette and with himself in 
drawing up a plan of municipal administration which was to be put 
into effect provisionally and later modified as the views of the dis- 
tricts might indicate. Bailly believed that the executive power 
should be left to a small body of officials, and he had no desire to 
replace one large assembly by another almost as large. 1 The electors 
understood the mayor to mean that they were to remain at the Hotel 
de Ville until a new plan of government had been adopted. The 
districts had no such notion. In most instances they gave their new 
delegates powers broader than had been suggested. A few seem to 
have thought that the two assemblies could coexist ; others were 
determined to have done with the electors at once, looking upon 
them as ambitious men anxious to preserve their positions. Some 
went so far as to compel their own electors to withdraw and to 
forbid the new delegates to take part in any committees at which 
electors should continue to appear. In the National Assembly Mira- 
beau treated these unhappy men as simple individuals without 
mission. 2 

correcting that of the morning (Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier 6, folios 27-32). The after- 
noon decree did not, as M. Lacroix supposes, remain merely a project. He remarks 
that only one district, Saint-Etienne du Mont, named a deputy to this committee, al- 
though the Recollets did so unmistakably (Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier 7) as well as Sainte- 
Elizabeth [ibid., folios 15, 32, and Proces-verbal, II, 181) and Saint-Louis en l'lsle (Bibl. 
Nat. Mss. fr. nouv. acq. 2680). Moreover the Mathurins and Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois 
decided to choose two, one not being enough {ibid., 2696, fol. 51 ). It cannot be argued 
that if the districts chose more than one deputy they did not have in mind the comite 
provisoire, because in April they had sent more deputies to the electoral assembly than 
the rules allowed. Judging from the evidence in the Mathurins and in the Saint-Ger- 
main-l'Auxerrois cases, any district that ventured to send two or more deputies to be in 
the bureaus into which the comite provisoire, like the permanent committee, would natur- 
ally be divided, intended to send the comite provisoire. Accordingly it is necessary to 
add the Bonne-Nouvelle (£xtrait de la Deliberation, 20 juillet, Bibl. Nat.), Petits-Peres 
(Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier6, fol. 12), Saint-Roch ( Bibl. Nat. Mss. fr. nouv. acq. 2665, fol. 
21 ). One or two others might be added without a great stretch of the imagination. The 
Oratoire was confused by the several schemes in circulation and sent a deputation to 
the mayor to ascertain the wishes of the majority of the districts " sur la deputation a 
former pour la composition du comite permanent" (Arch. Nat. C 134, dossier 9, fol. 
22). It may be added that the permanent committee in order to attenuate the sugges- 
tions of their title on the nineteenth crossed out on their printed forms the word " Perma- 
nent" and substituted " Provisoire." In a day or two the committee used new station- 
ery from which the offending word had disappeared altogether. 

1 In his letter he speaks of Lafayette and himself as "les seuls representants consti- 
tues legalement par election libre et par la confirmation que nous avons sollicites". 
Actes, I, 407. It appears that when Bailly wrote his memoirs he had forgotten that 
in this letter he had associated Lafayette with himself as those with whom the 120 were 
to work. Mhnoires, II, 125, 143. 

2 Proces-verbal de V Assemblee Nalionale, for July 23, p. 14 ; for July 24, pp. II, 
12. Lix-Neuvieme I.ettre du Comte de Mirabeau a ses Commettans (Cot/rrier de Pro- 

304 H. E. Bourne 

The new committee or assembly which Bailly had called into ex- 
istence was organized on the twenty-fifth. 1 In its message of thanks 
to the electors for the services they had rendered, it intimated that 
they were to remain in power only until the work could be provided 
for. Since these hints failed to convince them that their assembly 
was soon to be dissolved, after four days the new deputies, supported 
by the more demonstrative of the district politicians, voted that they 
should present themselves in a body in the hall of the electors, thank 
them for their wise and courageous conduct, and inform them that 
the new assembly had received power to administer the affairs of the 
city, and that it was ready to assume the functions it had asked the 
electors to exercise temporarily. - 

The electors were destined to disappear in a violent political 
storm, victims of their own generous sentiments. A few days before 
they had been the helpless witnesses of two more murders. 3 Foullon, 
a member of the short-lived July ministry, and his son-in-law, 
Bertier, the intendant of Paris, accused of the newly-invented crime 
of Use-nation, had been literally torn in pieces. Now apparently it 
was to be the turn of another royal officer, the Baron de Besenval, 
who had commanded the troops on the twelfth and the thirteenth. 
With the king's express permission he had attempted to gain Switzer- 
land, his native land, but had been arrested and was being brought 
to Paris. Necker on his return journey to Versailles had learned 
of Besenval's arrest and, although he could not procure his release, 
he had stopped for the moment his transfer to Paris. Necker also 

ventre), pp. 51-52. Bailly thought Mirabeau was coquetting with the districts in order to 
replace him as mayor. Mimoires,\\, 154-155. For reply of electors, see Prods-verbal, 

II, 479-49 1 - 

1 The records of the assembly, carefully edited by S. Lacroix, Actes de la Commune 
de Paris, I. M. Lacroix has added invaluable notes, giving many extracts from docu- 
ments impossible to obtain outside of Paris. His work serves as a sure guide to students 
of Revolutionary Paris. 

2 Pi i'ch-verbal, II, 531-533, After, I, 38, 40. It should be noted that many of the 
■electors had been chosen to the new assembly and that others remained in committees 
for months in spite of the protest of several districts whose suspicions of every phase of 
■incipient aristocracy were stronger than their appreciation of the value of experience in 
the work of administration. 

3 The electors and Mayor Bailly were not without some responsibility for these 
murders. Bailly frankly confesses in his memoirs his own desire to avoid compromising 
ihimself. One's impression in reading his account of the matter is that he was a 
•coward and knew it. See especially Mimoires, II, 89. He adds that "There was a 
real danger in speaking the language of justice and humanity and it was useless to 
brave this danger". Ibid., 117, 123. Lafayette, who was a brave man, but whose 
action was hampered by a remarkably acute consciousness of popularity, wrote years 
later that there was at the time " no other means of repression than personal ascendancy " 
and that there were in the city about 6,000 deserters and 30,000 vagabonds. Mimoires, 
II. 275. Cf. Godard, Expose, 3. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, i/Sy 305 

seized the opportunity of his own triumphal reception in Paris to 
protest before the new assembly and before the electors against pro- 
scriptions and to plead Besenval's right to proceed to Switzerland. 
The deputies, moved by the appeal, instantly voted that Besenval be 
allowed to avail himself of the king's permission. Two deputies 
volunteered to carry the order. Necker repeated his appeal to the 
electors, who were still more deeply stirred by it. They declared in 
the name of the inhabitants of the capital that Paris pardoned all her 
enemies, and they further declared that only those were enemies of 
the nation who by excesses disturbed the public order 1 . This ex- 
traordinary proceeding drew upon the electors a cloud of condemna- 
tion. The city was in an uproar. The district of the Oratoire, urged 
on by a crowd of spectators, passed a decree nullifying the acts of 
both the assembly and the electors and despatched a courier to pre- 
vent Besenval's release. Another district sent a deputation to the 
National Assembly to protest against the scheme of amnesty, which 
it attributed to the electors. Both the electors and the assembly, 
frightened at the uprising of the revolutionary element, either re- 
pealed or attenuated their decrees. It was in the midst of the echoes 
of this uproar that the electors finally disappeared from the scene as 
an organized body. 2 


It must not be inferred that the electors had since the sixteenth 
or seventeenth of July been concerned chiefly with the question 
whether they should remain at the Hotel de Ville or be replaced by 
a new assembly of deputies. Undoubtedly they could have more 
readily solved this problem had not the burden of administering the 
city and of reestablishing normal conditions rested upon them or 
upon their committees of police and subsistence. One of the dangers 
to the peace of the city was the presence of so large a number of 
unemployed workmen and of vagabonds who had armed themselves 
during the first days of the Revolution and who were the ever-ready 
recruits of each recurring mob. The troubles had paralyzed busi- 
ness and had interrupted industry. It had become difficult for 

7 Bailly had with characteristic timidity advised Necker not to raise so delicate a 
question. For the record of the new assembly's action, see Actes, 1, 46-52. 

2 Gorsas, Courrier de Versailles a Paris, no XXV ; Revolutions de Paris, no. Ill, 
352 ff. Mirabeau again criticized the electors in the National Assembly, Courrier de 
Pro ence, no. XXI. The new assembly sent a deputation to the National Assembly, 
asking for a special tribunal to try such cases as Besen/al's, particularly in order that the 
people might not permit themselves " aucun acte capable de detruire des preuves im- 
portances, en troublant 1'ordre indispensable pour les obtenir," that is, put less euphe- 
mistically, should not murder men on mere suspicion. Actes, I. 62. 

306 H. E. Botcme 

employers to receive back their workmen, who for lack of bread 
drifted toward vagabondism. To leave a large body of such men 
armed was dangerous. And it was not safe to allow them to pass 
the barriers and spread themselves through the country, as they were 
likely to do if the work of disarmament was unwisely begun. It 
was first settled that all such persons should be disarmed at the 
barriers. To settle the larger question a method was adopted for 
all the districts which had been proposed in the district of Saint- 
Germain des Pres. A notice was posted that the district would buy 
the guns of all workmen who would bring a certificate that they had 
returned to work. From July 20 to August 3 a single district pur- 
chased 250 muskets and twelve pistols: 1 

Another danger grew out of the fact that the courts had ceased 
to act. The prisons were rapidly being filled with persons arrested 
on suspicion. The engineers of disorder had little fear that they 
would be swiftly called to account. To correct the evil the electors 
on the twentieth formally sent several prisoners to the Chatelet with 
the request that justice take its ordinary course. 2 In order to reas- 
sure the public mind, constantly alarmed by rumors of plots and 
insurrections, they also ordered that the theaters be reopened in spite 
of the threat of several districts to prevent this by force until after 
Necker's return. 3 

Although their retention of power was so brief, they were obliged 
to regulate provisionally the liberty of the press. The permanent 
committee had authorized the admission to the city of all pamphlets 
and newspapers. Some of these had proved to be virulent libels. 
Accordingly the electors laid down the principle " that every citizen 
is free to print and publish any work whatsoever, if he signs it and 
is ready to answer for it ". When libels began to circulate touching 
the king himself, they specifically recalled the permission so freely 

1 Prods-verbal, II, 125, 157-158. Cf. purchases by Saint-Roch, Bibl. Nat. Mss. 
fr. nouv. acq. 2670, fol. 55- 

2 Proces-verbal, II, 235, 281-282. Cf. Brissot's Patriots francais for July 30, p. 
3. Many of the arrests had been ordered by the committee of police, one of the four 
bureaus of the permanent committee, which continued in power nearly four months. 
One of its members afterward described its action as "the justice of savage peoples, 
exercised by enlightened men, who were not allowed a moment for reflection and to 
whom would not have been pardoned the slightest uncertainty or the least delay". This 
member was Fauchet, who perished with the Girondins in 1793. His reminiscences 
were given to Godard, Expose, 12-15. The operations of the committee were not so 
favorably regarded by all, for example, the royalist writer Rivarol in Journal Politique- 
National dcs Etats-Generaux, I, 150-151. He spoke of the Parisians demolishing the 
Bastille with one hand and with the other filling the prisons with poor bourgeois about 
whom the royal government had never concerned itself. 

s Proch-Vfrbal, II, 193-194, 229-230. 

Improvising a Government in Paris, July, Ij8g 307 

given by the committee and ordered the arrest of all distributers of 
printed matter upon which the name of the printer did not appear, 
and that the printers should be held responsible in cases where the 
author was not known, a decree that excited lively protests. 1 

The most serious problem was the food supply. This was in- 
trusted to the committee on subsistence, but the electors themselves 
were obliged to lend their aid. One of the greatest difficulties was 
the pillaging of convoys of wheat on the Rouen road and the stop- 
ping by district officers of grain wagons sent out to Corbeil and 
other mill towns. Moreover the agents whom the government had 
formerly employed in supervising the grain supply were now dis- 
credited and in actual danger of being murdered. All dealers in 
grain were likewise in terror. The farmers kept their wheat in 
their barns because they feared that if they attempted to market it 
they would be plundered on the road. Before Necker had been dis- 
missed, the government had been buying abroad and selling at a 
daily loss of 1,800 livres, in spite of the fact that bread was at four- 
teen and a half sous for four pounds. In the midst of the trouble 
the increasing distress in Paris led the multitude to cry out for 
cheaper bread. The committee on subsistence, alarmed at the situa- 
tion, recommended that the price be reduced to twelve sous, and 
Bailly, although he disapproved such action, since it would increase 
the daily cost to the government to a total of from 25,000 to 30,000 
livres, signed the measure to please the people and to " merit its 
confidence ". The electors, however, were unwilling to go so far, 
and voted that the price should be thirteen and one-half sous. Even 
this concession was burdensome, because, owing to the disorder and 
especially to the armed intervention of the faubourgs, the collection 
of the octroi could not be fully reestablished, so that three weeks 
later the government was losing about 40,000 livres a week 2 . 

After the victory of Paris over the king and his advisers the city 
became a power greater than the prostrate and disorganized mon- 
archy, and for a time the rival of the National Assembly itself. 
Towns, particularly those in its neighborhood, asked for authority 
to form a citizen guard or to reorganize their government. The 

1 Ibid., 185, 353-354, 367-368. Cf. Revolutions de Paris, no. IV, pp. 9-1 1. The 
committee of police forbade publications of engravings that had not been approved by 
Robin, of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture. Journal de Paris, August 3. 

2 Procis-verbal, II, 168-169, 256-268, 283-285,432-433; Bailly, Memoires, II, 
96-98, 148, 252 ; Gorsas, Courrier de Versailles, no. XVI. On August 20 threats were 
made in the Faubourg Saint- Antoine to oppose force by force if the municipality attempted 
an effective collection. Actes, I, 288-289. Smugglers and petty traders, and the poor 
generally, saw in these taxes an intolerable burden. 

308 H. E. Bourne 

electors uniformly disclaimed jurisdiction and limited themselves to 
advice simply 1 . 

The period during which the electors directed the affairs of Paris 
was so short and so occupied either with the defense of the city and 
the restoration of order or with the puzzling question of giving 
themselves successors that there was little opportunity for purely 
municipal problems to be discussed. The antagonism which was 
later to arise between the central assembly and the district assemblies 
or between the central assembly and the mayor did not have time to 
develop. What appeared most clearly therefore was the determina- 
tion of the Paris bourgeoisie to have some part in the management 
of their own affairs rather than await quietly the remedies which 
might be proposed in the States-General. It is also clear that the 
men they chose to represent them were conservative, partly it may 
be through a natural fear of assuming an unwonted responsibility, but 
partly also through a habitual respect for established authority. The 
curious way in which this respect is mingled with extreme revolu- 
tionary theories and sentiments is not the least interesting of the 
phenomena. No one can read the story of these days without think- 
ing it fortunate that the electors had decided to remain in session 
after their proper work was completed, for, had they not been ready 
to assume direction, the confusion must have been far more serious 
and its results disastrous. 

Henry E. Bourne. 

1 For examples see Proces-verbal, II, 186-187, I 9 2_I 93. 2I 7* 219-220. 


The treaty of peace with Mexico was signed February 2, 1848, 
at the town of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. It has appended to it the name 
of but one American, that of Nicholas P. Trist, who admitted that 
he had no authority at the time to represent the United States. The 
government at Washington had canceled his powers, denied his 
authority, and ordered him to leave the headquarters of the invading 
army and return home. Various views have been published regarding 
his actions. Trist has been called a far-sighted patriot, who by dis- 
obeying orders sacrificed his own reputation in order that he might 
put an end to the Mexican War and give to his country the legitimate 
fruits of victory. His motives have, on the other hand, been repre- 
sented as based upon inordinate vanity, which blinded him to the 
manifest obligations of his mission and gave his name a distinction 
which his character by no means justified. It is the purpose of this 
paper to trace the history of the negotiations of which the Guadalupe- 
Hidalgo treaty was the result in the light of the mass of correspond- 
ence to be found in the archives of the Department of State, a part 
of which has never been printed. The diary of James K. Polk, a 
manuscript copy of which is in the Lenox Library, New York, 
furnishes a running commentary upon the peace negotiations, and 
by it the President of fifty years ago takes us into his confidence as 
fully as he did his own cabinet. 1 

The history of the Mexican War, aside from the purely military 
part of it, has been written chiefly as a chapter in the history of the 
slavery question. The momentous national issues which pressed for 
attention even before Polk retired from office have given a twist to 
the many accounts of the period from 1845 to 1 ?>4^- Books appearing 
soon after the event, animated not by a spirit of unbiased historical 
investigation, but written with the professed purpose of presenting 
a brief against the aggressions of slavery, have furnished in large 
measure the materials for the history of the period. The treatment 
of the subject of the Mexican War in the " reviews " of Jay 2 and 

1 Acknowledgment is here made to the authorities of the Lenox Library for permis- 
sion to use parts of Polk's diary. 

2 William Jay, A Review of the Causes and Consequences of the Mexican War 
(Boston, 1849). 

(309 ) 

310 J. S. Reeves 

Livermore 1 , well-constructed as they were and widely distributed, 
and fortified by an examination of published documents and news- 
papers, has grown into the narrative of Von Hoist. 

When Congress was told that by the act of Mexico there existed 
a state of war, and that Santa Anna was permitted to pass into Vera 
Cruz, Polk and his advisers were convinced that the war would be a 
short one, perhaps not ninety days in length. The diary informs us 
that when Polk came into office he had already made up his mind to 
acquire California. A plan developed by which he believed the 
acquisition might be made' by peaceful negotiation. Claims against 
Mexico, under discussion as far back as Jackson's time, furnished 
the groundwork of the plan ; the joint resolution annexing Texas 
gave the President something to build upon. By that act the de- 
termination of the boundaries of Texas rested with the United 
States. Mexico could not pay the claims in cash ; the Texan boundary 
was unsettled. The idea of territorial indemnity was an irresistible 
conclusion : let her pay in land. 

Two weeks after Polk was inaugurated, a secret agent, William 
S. Parrott, left Washington for Mexico to prepare a way for the 
reopening of diplomatic relations. By autumn the reports of the 
agent led Polk to believe that Mexico would receive a representative 
from the United States. John Black, the United States consul at the 
City of Mexico, wrote to Buchanan that he had positive and official 
assurance that the Mexican ministry was favorable to an adjustment 
of the questions in dispute between the two republics. The consul's 
letter was received November 9 ; on the tenth John Slidell, who had 
been selected by Polk two months previously, 2 was sent upon " one 
of the most delicate and important [missions] which has ever been 
confided to a citizen of the United States '", one which, if successful, 
Buchanan told him, would establish for the envoy " an enviable repu- 
tation " and do an " immense service " for his country. 3 This was 
no sham mission. Parrott, the secret agent, had reported that Mexico 
would not fight. The notoriously peaceful proclivities of the Mexican 
president, Herrera, warranted the hope that some sort of a settlement 
might be quickly arranged. " An Envoy possessing suitable qualifica- 
tions for this Court ", wrote Parrott, " might with comparative ease. 

1 Abiel Abbot Livermore, The War with Mexico Reviewed (Boston, 1850). 

2 Buchanan to Slidell, September 17, 1845 ; Slidell to Buchanan, September 25, 
1845. See George Ticknor Curtis, Life of James Buchanan, I, 591. 

3 Buchanan to Slidell, November 10, 1845 ; called for by resolution of the House, 
January 4, 1848, ard refused by Polk, January 13, 1848 ; see H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Con- 
gress, I Session, 770; also No. 25, p. I ; printed in S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I 
Session, 71, with the correspondence concerning the treaty of peace with Mexico. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo 3 1 1 

settle, over a breakfast, the most important national question." 1 The 
instructions to John Slidell covered more than Mexico anticipated. 
No sooner had the envoy appeared in Vera Cruz than broadsides 
scattered over the City of Mexico told of his plans : to negotiate with 
the Mexican government for the sale of Texas, New Mexico, and the 
Californias. 2 Such in fact were Slidell's instructions. He was 
authorized to assume the claims, fix the boundary of the United 
States at the Rio Grande, and obtain the cession of New Mexico and 
Upper California for a sum not to exceed twenty-five millions of 
dollars. 3 The administration of Herrera, weaker even than most 
revolutionary governments in Mexico, was accused of a traitorous 
attempt at the disintegration of the country. To save itself from 
revolution it refused to receive Slidell because his powers were too 
great, since he was named as minister instead of as commis- 
sioner ad hoc to settle the Texas question, and by so doing Herrera 
countered Polk's policy. The refusal, however, did not improve 
the situation. The peaceful Herrera gave way to the warlike Par- 
edes. Polk, in anticipation of Slidell's ultimate failure, ordered 
Taylor to the Rio Grande. Instead of calling Slidell home, he was 
directed to make further efforts to obtain recognition. Buchanan 
wrote to Slidell, March 12, 1846 4 : 

The Oregon question is rapidly approaching a crisis. By the Steam 
Packet which will leave Liverpool on the 4th April, if not by that which 
left on the 4th instant, the President expects information which will be 
decisive on the subject. The prospect is that our differences with Great 
Britain may be peacefully adjusted, though this is by no means certain. 
Your return to the United States before the result is known, would pro- 
duce considerable alarm in the public mind and might possibly exercise 
an injurious influence on our relations with Great Britain. 

By the time this letter was read by Slidell he had exhausted all 
pretexts for remaining in Mexico and was on his way home. The 
plan of acquiring California by peaceful means was a failure. 

1 Parrott to Buchanan, August 26, 1845, received September 16, 1845. MS., De- 
partment of State Archives, Despatches, Mexico, vol. 12. It will be noticed that this 
letter from Parrott was received the day before Buchanan wrote to Slidell, offering him 
the Mexican mission. 

2 A copy of this broadside, called La Voz del Pueblo, was sent to Buchanan by 
Slidell. It bears date of December 3, 1845, and is headed: " La traicion se ha de- 
scubierto ! . . . Mr. Slidell, ministro nombrado por los Estados-Unidos, para arreglar 
con el gobierno actual la venta de Tejas, Nuevo-Mexico y las Californias." Slidell's 
first letter from the City of Mexico, dated December 17, 1845, was received by Buchanan 
January 12, 1846. Taylor was ordered to the Rio Grande the following day. 

3 Buchanan to Slidell, November 10, £845, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Ses- 
sion, 71. 

4 Buchanan to Slidell, March 12, 1846, MS., Bureau of Indexes and Archives, 
Department of State, Instructions, Mexico, vol. 16, p. 43. 

312 J. S. Reeves 

" War . . . exists by the act of Mexico ", Polk informed Congress 
May ii, 1846. Immediately orders were issued to permit Santa 
Anna, then in exile and under sentence of death, to pass into Vera 
Cruz 1 . A great war was not contemplated, but a war just big 
enough to realize the plan of territorial indemnity. Santa Anna, it 
had been reported to the President, would make certain concessions 
rather than see Mexico ruled by a foreign prince ; he preferred a 
friendly arrangement to the ravages of war. Santa Anna passed the 
American blockade ; Vera Cruz received him as a hero, and he pro- 
ceeded to the capital as the savior of the nation. By the middle of 
August he was in command of the Mexican forces and president 
ad interim of the Mexican Republic. Hardly had he arrived at the 
City of Mexico when Buchanan's note was submitted to him, sug- 
gesting that peace negotiations be forthwith begun. 2 The offer was 
declined. 3 Santa Anna as a military chieftain was not Santa Anna in 
exile. Buchanan's answer to the refusal was that henceforth the 
war would be prosecuted with vigor until Mexico offered to make 
terms. 4 From now on the war was waged in earnest. It appeared 
no longer to be a little war. Scott took command of the army, and 
the storm-center shifted from the northern provinces to Vera Cruz. 
And yet Mexico gave no sign of a desire for peace. Polk therefore 
was again compelled to make overtures for settlement, and this time 
by offering a specific proposition. In January Buchanan wrote to 
the Mexican minister of foreign affairs that although making " a 
renewed overture for peace " might " be regarded by the world as 
too great a concession to Mexico, yet he " was " willing to subject 
himself to this reproach ". If Mexico so agreed he would send 
commissioners either to Havana or to Jalapa clothed with full powers 
to conclude a treat}- of peace and given authority to suspend hos- 
tilities and raise blockades as soon as the Mexican commissioners 
met them. 5 The Mexican answer was in spirit like its predecessors : 
Mexico would appoint commissioners as suggested, but not until 
the blockades were raised and all the territory of the Mexican Re- 
public evacuated by the invading army. Such an answer was tanta- 
mount to a refusal, and so Polk considered it. When, in the middle 
of April, news of the fall of Vera Cruz reached Washington, it 

1 George Bancroft to Commodore David Conner, May 13, 1846, H. Ex. Doc. 25, 
30 Congress, I Session, 5. 

2 Buchanan to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs, July 27, 1846, Congressional 
Globe, 29 Congress, 2 Session, Appendix, 24. 

3 The Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs to Buchanan, August 31, 1846, ibid. 

4 Buchanan to same, September 26, 1846, ibid. 

5 Buchanan to same, January 18, 1847, S. Ex. Doc. I, 30 Congress, 1 Session, 36.' 

6 Monasterio to Buchanan, February 22, 1847, ibid., 37. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe- Hidalgo 

o 1 o 

was thought that Santa Anna could no longer refuse to negotiate, 
for the American arms were everywhere victorious, and Scott's 
army was on the march toward the capital. 

Xow was the time, in Polk's strange phrase, to " conquer a peace ". 
Buchanan informed [Mexico that the offer to negotiate would not 
be renewed ( strong language until the context is heard ) until the 
President had reason to believe that it would be accepted by the 
Mexican government. " The President . . . devoted . . . to honor- 
able peace", so wrote Buchanan to the Mexican minister of foreign 
affairs, 1 " is determined that the evils of the war shall not be pro- 
tracted one day longer than shall be rendered absolutely necessary 
by the Mexican republic. For the purpose of carrying this determi- 
nation into effect with the least possible delay, he will forthwith 
send to the head-quarters of the army in Mexico, Nicholas P. Trist, 
esq., the officer next in rank to the undersigned in our department 
of foreign affairs, as a commissioner, invested with full powers to 
conclude a definite treaty of peace with the United Mexican States." 
Thus did Polk act upon a plan for negotiation by an agent not con- 
firmed by the Senate, a method quite without precedent or parallel. 
The appointment of public commissioners might only subject the 
United States to the indignity of another refusal and give the Mexi- 
cans encouragement in their opinion concerning the President's 
motives for desiring the termination of the war. Influenced by these 
considerations, he hit upon the plan of sending " to the head-quarters 
of the army a confidential agent, fully acquainted with the views 
of this government, and clothed with full powers to conclude a 
treaty of peace with the Mexican government, should it be so in- 
clined ". He would be enabled in that case " to take advantage, at 
the propitious moment, of any favorable circumstances which might 
dispose that government to peace". 2 In the selection of this agent 
the President again proceeded upon altogether unusual lines. Gen- 
eral Scott is authority for the statement that Polk wanted Silas 
Wright to undertake the mission, intimating that Scott would be 
Wright's associate. 3 This was surely a strange selection, for Wright 
was a well-known advocate of the Wilmot Proviso, and Scott was 
personally obnoxious to the President. " Scott", said Polk, " is 
utterly unqualified for such a business."' No man of national 
prominence could be expected to assume the role of a confidential 

■Buchanan to Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs, April 15, 1847, ibid., 38-39. 
Also in Raphael Semmes, Service Afloat and Ashore, during the Mexican War, 303-306. 

2 Buchanan to Trist, April 15, 1847, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Session, 81. 

3 Scott's Autobiography, II, 576. 

4 Polk's diary, July 15, 1847. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. X. — 21. 

314 J- S. Reeves 

agent to accompany the army and jump at a propitious moment to 
conclude a treaty. The chief clerk of Buchanan's department, per- 
sonally little known to the President, was selected for the mission, 
a man with but meager training in diplomatic affairs, anything but 
robust in health, irritable, suspicious, timid, and, moreover, given 
to great verbosity of statement. 

Nicholas Philip Trist was a Virginian by birth and was for a time 
a cadet at West Point. He did not graduate, however, but began 
the study of law under Jefferson, whose granddaughter he had 
married. At twenty-eight he was a clerk in the Treasury Depart- 
ment when Jackson selected him as his private secretary. After a 
short service in that capacity he was consul at Havana for eight 
years, whence he was recalled on the ground that he had aided the 
slave-trade. 1 Soon after the beginning of Polk's administration, he 
was made chief clerk of the State Department, and during his ser- 
vice there he appeared as a hard-working administrative officer in 
the department presided over by the somewhat timid Buchanan and 
really directed by the energetic Polk. The chief clerk gave evidence 
of uncompromising loyalty to the President and thorough sympathy 
with his plans. His selection for this delicate mission was probably 
due not so much to Polk's overestimation of Trist's diplomatic abili- 
ties as to an underestimate of the difficulties of the undertaking. It 
had appeared a simple thing to send Slidell to Mexico as the repre- 
sentative of a strong power to strike a bargain, through claims and 
a bonus, for the cession of New Mexico and California- — how could 
so " feeble and distracted a nation as Mexico " refuse a liberal cash 
offer? The answer to that question had been war. Now that Con- 
gress had placed three millions of dollars in Polk's hands for the 
"speedy and honorable conclusion of the war", the President seemed 
to think that to negotiate a peace treaty upon terms dictated by 
himself was a mere clerical act for an agent accompanying a vic- 
torious army. 

Whatever may have been the oral instructions which Trist re- 
ceived from the President, the official letter from Buchanan gave 
him small discretionary powers. Trist was handed a projet of a 
treaty, and with it the statement that the extension of the boundaries 
of the United States over New Mexico and Upper California was 
to be considered a sine qua nan of any treaty. What Buchanan had 
authorized Slidell to do before the war began was now, thanks to 

'Trist was commissioned consul at Havana April 24, 1833. Tyler ordered his 
recall June 22, 1841. There is a mass of correspondence connecting Trist with aiding 
the slave-trade attached to a complaint from Fox to Forsyth, February 12, 1840 ; MS. 
Notes from British Legation to the Department of State. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo 3 1 5 

the victorious advance of the army, made an ultimatum. Trist was 
authorized to pay in addition to the claims not more than twenty 
millions for the cession of New Mexico and Upper California ; not 
more than five millions additional for Lower California ; while the 
right of transit and passage over Tehuantepec was held to be worth 
another five millions, the consideration to be paid in annual instal- 
ments of three millions each. In any event the southwestern bound- 
ary was, of course, to be the Rio Grande. What Slidell had been au- 
thorized to offer twenty-five millions for, Trist was instructed to 
secure for twenty. The provisions as to Lower California and the 
right of transit over Tehuantepec were new, no mention of them hav- 
ing been made when Slidell was sent upon his mission. The projet 
accompanying Trist's instructions contained eleven articles covering 
the points just referred to. The third article provided that as soon 
as the treaty was ratified by Mexico, the military and naval com- 
manders of both sides should be informed of the action as quickly 
as possible, after which an immediate suspension of hostilities should 
take place. Such was the expression of Polk's idea of " conquering 
a peace". Pending the negotiations of peace the United States was 
not to bind itself to discontinue offensive operations against Mexico ; 
hostilities were not to cease until Mexico had actually ratified the 
peace treaty upon our own terms. 1 

The confidential agent and commissioner left the capital for 
Mexico, and soon Buchanan began to receive Trist's long and tedi- 
ously circumstantial communications. From New Orleans he wrote 
a dozen pages minutely describing his trip and the dangers of the 
journey from Mobile thither. Arrived at Vera Cruz, May 6, he 
quickly despatched two more reports, filled with his views upon the 
officers of the army and things in general. Illness seems to have held 
him for a while, as his next letter is from Jalapa, dated two weeks 
later. By this time he was involved in a high-tempered and wordy 
epistolary quarrel with the commanding general. Trist had been 
directed by Buchanan to communicate his instructions in confidence 
to Scott and to deliver to him Buchanan's letter for transmission to 
the Mexican minister of foreign affairs. Instead of waiving formali- 
ties and putting himself on friendly and confidential terms with 
Scott, Trist immediately on his arrival at Vera Cruz sent the Ameri- 
can commander a note inclosing the letter from Buchanan sealed 
and with it orders from Marcy. Scott was ever suspicious of the 
administration at Washington, and now he opened the vials of his 
wrath upon the commissioner. He was ordered by the secretary 

1 Buchanan's projet, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, 1 Session, 85-89. 


1 6 J. S. Reeves 

of war to yield to Trist the right to decide upon the suspension of 
military operations. It is doubtful if a more astounding order was 
ever sent to a commanding officer in the field, and Scott replied to 
Trist that the secretary of war proposed to degrade him by requiring 
that he, as commander of the army, should defer to the chief clerk 
of the Department of State the question of continuing or discon- 
tinuing hostilities. 1 Consequently Scott returned the sealed letter 
from the Department of State and, as a purely military question, 
declined to obey the order of the secretary of war, unless Trist was 
clothed with military rank over him. The next month was spent by 
the commissioner in writing voluminous letters to Scott, which the 
latter answered in kind. Trist lectured the general upon his lack of 
respect for the commissioner sent by the President. Scott replied 
that Trist's letter was such a farrago of insolence, conceit, and 
arrogance as to be a choice specimen of diplomatic literature and 
manners. " The Jacobin convention of France never sent to one 
of its armies in the field a more amiable and accomplished instru- 
ment. If you were armed with an ambulatory guillotine, you would 
be the personification of Danton, Marat, and St. Just, all in one." - 
On June 4 Scott wrote to Marcy, asking to be recalled, owing to the 
many " cruel disappointments and mortifications " he had " been 
made to feel since " leaving " Washington, and the total want of 
support and sympathy on the part of the War Department " 3 . The 
administration responded with orders to each to cease the disgraceful 
quarrel and to join in carrying out the plans of the government. 

Much of this quarrel doubtless had its origin in politics. The 
military history of the Mexican War is largely made up of jealousy 
and its consequent wrangles, which, ending in arrests and courts- 
martial, were transferred from the field of operations to Washing- 
ton. " The truth is ", Polk wrote in his diary, June 12, " I have 
been compelled from the beginning to conduct the war against 
Mexico through the agency of two generals, highest in rank, who 
have not only no sympathies with the government, but are hostile 
to my administration. Both of them have assumed to control the 
government. To this I will not submit and will as certainly remove 
General Scott from the chief command as he shall refuse or delay to 
obey the order borne him by Mr. Trist." 5 For some time, however, 

1 Scott to Trist, May 7, 1847, ibid., 157-159. 
2 Scott to Trist, May 29, 1847, ibid., 172. 
3 Scott to Marcy, June 4, 1847, ibid., 129-131. 

4 Marcy to Scott, July 12, 1847, ibid., 131 ; Buchanan to Trist, July 13, 1847, ibi,i. r 


5 Polk's diary, June 12, 1847. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe- Hidalgo 3 1 7 

as their despatches show, Trist and Scott continued their unseemly 
altercation. " Between them ", the diary says, " the orders of the 
Secretary of War and the Secretary of State have been disregarded 
and the danger has become imminent that the golden moment for 
concluding a peace with Mexico may have passed." l The President 
was for recalling both Scott and Trist, but the cabinet was unanimous 
in the opinion that it would be bad policy to do so. Realizing Trist's 
inefficiency, Polk then suggested that Soule or Jefferson Davis be 
associated with him, but nothing came of the suggestion. 2 

Writing from Puebla, June 13, Trist stated that he had had no 
intercourse with Scott for a month, although he had been near him 
for more than that time. His next letter, dated July 7, in which he 
is supposed to have given his reasons for making peace with the 
general, was never received at Washington. Scott made no report 
to the secretary of war from June 4 to July 25. At that time each 
asked that the correspondence relating to the quarrel be suppressed. 4 
What caused the reconciliation, so far as their letters show, must 
remain a mystery. During the time in which Trist and Scott were 
quarreling, Trist asked the British minister, Bankhead, and Thorn- 
ton, the British secretary of legation, to transmit to the Mexican 
authorities Buchanan's letter, which Scott had refused to receive. 
Bankhead and Thornton readily acquiesced in his request and for- 
warded the letter to Ibarra, the acting minister of foreign affairs. 
In a few days the commissioner received through the same channel 
of communication the answer of the Mexican government. It was 
that the determination of the question of peace must rest with the 
Mexican congress. 5 

So far there was no reason to believe the way open for negotia- 
tions. Santa Anna sent a message to congress in which he per- 
emptorily ordered it to state whether or not any propositions for 
peace should be listened to. 3 When the Mexican congress scattered 
and made no answer to the message, Santa Anna informed Mackin- 
tosh, the British consul at the City of Mexico, that as he was aban- 
doned by congress, he must, as military chief, endeavor to make 

1 Ibitt. 

2 Ibid., July 9, 1847. 

3 Trist to Buchanan, June 13, 1847, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Session, 

♦Scott to Marcy, July 25, 1847 : " Since about the 26th ultimo, our intercourse has 
been frequent and cordial ; and I have found him [Trist] able, discreet, courteous, and 
amiable." Ibid., 135. Trist to Buchanan, July 23, 1847 : Scott's "character I now be- 
lieve that I had entirely misconceived." Ibid., 302. 

'■Ibarra, to Trist, June 22, 1847. 

$ Santa Anna to the Mexican Congress, July 16, 1847. S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Con- 
gress, 1 Session, 302-305. 

3 1 8 J. S. Reeves 

peace. 1 His secret agents then intimated to Trist that while nothing 
could be done without the use of money, yet if a million dollars were 
placed in his hands at the conclusion of the peace and ten thousand 
immediately, commissioners would be sent to meet the American 
commissioner and negotiations begun.- It was at this juncture 
that Scott and Trist began to be upon the most friendly terms, and 
Trist was a welcome guest at Scott's headquarters. Trist reported 
to Buchanan, upon the authority of Thornton, that Santa Anna 
would let Scott advance close to the City of Mexico and then nego- 
tiate. 3 What was not reported was that Scott paid the ten thousand 
dollars of earnest-money after consultation with his officers. 4 The 
matter did not come to Polk's attention until December, when Gen- 
eral Pillow, enraged at what Polk called Scott's persecution of that 
officer, wrote of it to the President. 5 Scott reported the expendi- 
tures as those for secret service and asserted that he had never 
tempted the honor or patriotism of any man, but held it as lawful in 
morals as in war to purchase valuable information or services vol- 
untarily tendered him.'' " General Scott's answer is evasive ", is 
the entry in the diary, " and leaves the irresistible inference that such 
a transaction took place and that it will not bear the light." 7 Writing 
to Buchanan, July 23, Trist copied a letter received by him from an 
unnamed source. Trist's correspondent, in whom undoubtedly the 
commissioner placed great confidence, wrote : " Santa Anna is afraid 

to make peace now and cannot. M 8 can do nothing with 

him, even with the aid he possesses from you. S. A. now says se- 

' Thornton to Trist, July 29, 1847, MS. copy, Bureau of Indexes and Archives, 
Department of State. 

2 Ripley's War with Mexico, II, 148-170; Polk's diary, December 18, 1847. 

3 Trist to Buchanan, July 23, 1847, MS., Bureau of Indexes and Archives, 
Department of State. 

4 Ripley's War with Mexico, II, 148-170. General Shields, however, told Polk 
that Trist was not present at the conference. Polk's diary, December 28, 1847. 

5 Polk's diary, February 16, 1848: "The chief clerk of the War Department 
brought to me today a letter received from Majr. Genl. Pillow, dated at the City of 
Mexico on the 18th. of January in answer to a letter of the Secretary of War addressed 
to him in relation to certain proceedings of General Scott and Mr. Trist at Puebla in 
July last concerning an attempt to use money without any authority or sanction of the 
government, to bribe the authorities in Mexico, to secure peace. This letter discloses 
some astounding facts in relation to that infamous transaction and must lead to a further 
investigation." In the letters-received book of the War Department is the following 
entry under date of March 31, 1848 : "Pillow, Maj. Genl. G. J., Mexico, Jany. 18, 
1848. In answer to letter of Sec. War Dec. 24, 1847 and relates to negotiations carried 
on at Puebla in July and Aug. 47." The letter referred to cannot be found in the 
War Department. 

Scott to Marcy, February 6, 1848. H. Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Congress, I Session, 10S5. 
There is some discrepancy in the date. 

7 Polk's diary, February 19, 1848. 

s Mackintosh? 

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo 3 1 9 

cretly that he shall allow your army to approach this city [Mexico]., 
even as far as the Pehon, and then endeavour to make peace." 1 The 
advance of the army, however, was by no means unobstructed. The 
decisive victory at Contreras, followed by that at Churubusco, opened 
the way to the capital. Instead of pushing on to clinch the former 
victories, as the rules of military science would seem to have dictated, 
Scott halted his army and proposed an armistice. Was this done, 
as Scott said, lest the elements of peace might be scattered, or was 
it with the expectation that Santa Anna, with a part of the con- 
sideration cash in hand, would carry out the balance of the bargain ? 
Through the good offices of Thornton, who with Bankhead and 
Mackintosh played a large part in all these negotiations, the armistice 
became effective August 24. Santa Anna appointed as commis- 
sioners four well-known peace men to meet the American commis- 

The opportunity for which Trist had been waiting since May 
was now presented. Santa Anna's commissioners met him as agreed. 
Xo further evidence of Trist's utter incapacity is needed than his 
own account of the conferences. Two days before the first meeting 
he made known to Santa Anna that in order to secure the boundary 
defined in his projet, with the right of transit over the isthmus, he 
was authorized and willing to go as high as the highest sum named 
in his instructions. This amount, he said, might be paid in such a 
way as to enable Santa Anna to convert all of it into cash as soon as 
the treaty was ratified. 2 Such an unfortunate admission had the 
result he might have expected. Santa Anna's commissioners sub- 
mitted a counter-projet conceding nothing but Upper California 
north of the thirty-seventh parallel, for which the United States was 
expected to assume the claims and pay a bonus 3 . The Mexican 
commissioners insisted on the Nueces as a boundary, declaring that 
if peace were established it must be at that river. Trist hesitated 
and then offered to refer the question to Washington, thereby pro- 
posing to extend the armistice for at least forty-five days. 4 No more 
flagrant disobedience of orders was ever committed. The war had 
been begun and waged upon the theory that the Rio Grande was 
the ancient boundary of Texas. What persuaded Trist to submit the: 
matter for further instructions is incomprehensible. He himself 

'Trist to Buchanan, July 23, 1847, ?• S., July 25. MS., Bureau of Indexes and 
Archives, Despatches, Mexico, Vol. 14. 

2 Trist to Buchanan, September 4, 1847, MS., Bureau of Indexes and Archives, 
Department of State. 

3 S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Session, 339. 

4 The Mexican Commissioners to the Minister of Relations, September 7, 1847, 
Ibid., 344-346. 

32Q J. S. Reeves 

■explained it by saying that the Mexican commissioners led him to 
believe that a part of New Mexico would be ceded if the Nueces 
were accepted as a boundary. There was no reasonable foundation 
in fact, however, for any such belief, for Mexico demanded Trist's 
decision within three days upon the counter-projet, by the terms of 
which New Mexico was to remain a Mexican province. Before that 
short time had elapsed Santa Anna's violations of the armistice be- 
came so notorious that Scott gave notice of its termination. The 
American army moved toward the capital and entered it only after 
two of the bloodiest battles of the war. Santa Anna's army was 
scattered and without a leader. Notwithstanding all this, Trist was 
blind to Santa Anna's duplicity. As late as September 27 he wrote 
that he was perfectly convinced of Santa Anna's sincere desire for 
peace, but that peace was an impossibility upon the terms of Buch- 
anan's instructions. 1 The armistice was a strategic blunder, giving 
Santa Anna opportunity to mass his forces for the defense of the 
capital, and the heavy losses suffered by Scott's army at Molino del 
Rey were the price paid for it. The overtures for peace displayed 
the gullibility of Trist, whose persistent belief that Santa Anna once 
bought would stay bought led him to ignore his instructions and to 
disobey Polk's most positive orders. 

Before Trist's reports of his inglorious conferences reached 
Washington, Polk had read the Mexican accounts of the affair sent 
from Vera Cruz. The President at once ordered Trist's recall. 
■" Mr. Trist is recalled ", says the diary, " because his remaining 
longer with the army could not probably accomplish the objects of 
his mission, and because his remaining longer might and probably 
would impress the Mexican government with the belief that the 
United States are so anxious for peace, that they would ultimate [ly] 
conclude one upon Mexican terms. Mexico must now sue for peace 
and when she does, we will hear her proposition." 2 Trist's actions 
had surely merited his recall, but Polk's policy of continually making 
overtures, first by a series of notes suggesting peace and finally by 
sending a commissioner, gave Mexico exactly the belief which Polk 
attributed to Trist's blundering efforts alone. The policy was ill- 
advised and its instrument incompetent. 

The occupation of the City of Mexico, September 14, completely 
•changed the complexion of affairs. Two days later Santa Anna 
resigned the presidency, and by so doing removed the one great 
obstacle to peace. Within a week after Santa Anna's abdication 

■Trist to Buchanan, September 27, 1847, ibid., 201. 

2 Polk's diary, October 5, 1847. Trist's despatch of September 4 was received 
October 21. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe- Hidalgo 321 

plans were well under way for the reorganization of the government 
under the auspices of well-known moderados. Before it had been 
accomplished Trist again asked the Mexican commissioners to meet 
him. A month elapsed before he had an answer, and he asked 
Buchanan for permission to return home, as the weakness of the new 
government might keep him " hanging here for an indefinite period " 
without accomplishing anything. 1 Buchanan's letter of recall reached 
Trist November 16. Trist acknowledged it, waived for the moment 
any defense of his actions, and stated that he would start home at 
once. Following hard upon the receipt of his recall Trist received 
word, again through Thornton, that the new .Mexican administra- 
tion had appointed commissioners. 2 He replied, November 24, 
that, as he was about to return to the United States, whatever over- 
tures Mexico desired to make would be forwarded through Scott 
to Washington. 3 Despite this statement and notwithstanding his 
orders to return, he began immediately to negotiate with the Mexican 
commissioners upon the basis of his original instructions. The 
reasons for this change in plans are set forth in a letter of sixty pages 
written December 6. 4 This letter was certainly of a character to 
arouse the President's indignation. The diary describes it as " im- 
pudent, arrogant, very insulting to the government and personally 
offensive to the President ". The writer of it was " destitute of 
honor or principle and contemptibly base ". " It is manifest to me ", 
wrote Polk, " that he has become the tool of General Scott and his 
menial instrument and that the paper was written at Scott's instance 
and direction. I directed the Secretary of War to write to Major 
General Butler [who had superseded Scott], directing him, if Mr. 
Trist was still with the headquarters of the army, to order him off 
and to inform the authorities of Mexico that he had no authority to 
treat."- 5 Scott, writing at the same time, said: " No proposition has 
been made to me, looking to a peace, by the federal government of 
this republic, or its commissioners; the latter understood to be still 
in this city. I have not seen them." 6 

This long despatch of Trist's doubtless justified Polk's suspicion 
that Scott instigated it. While Trist said that the government would 
be left at liberty to disavow his act, he set forth his reasons for 

1 Trist to Buchanan, October 31, 1847, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Session, 213. 

2 Thornton to Trist, November 22, 1847, and to Pefia y Pefia, November 24, 1847, 
ibid., 231. 

3 Trist to Pefia y Pefia, November 24, 1847, ibid. 

•Trist to Buchanan, December 6, 1847, received January 15, 1848, ibid., 231-266 
3 Polk's diary, January -15, 1848. 

s Scott to Marcy, December 4, 1847, H- Ex. Doc. 60, 30 Congress, I Session, 

322 J. S. Reeves 

reopening negotiations as: i, that peace was still the desire of the 
President ; 2, that unless he seized the opportunity offered, no other 
chance for peace would remain ; 3, that the boundaries stipulated in 
his instructions were as much as Mexico would ever yield; and 4, 
that his recall was based upon a supposed state of facts the reverse 
of the truth. Underlying all of his arguments in support of these 
reasons is the thinly-disguised innuendo that the President had 
changed his plans and now favored the annexation of all Mexico. 
In other words, Trist proceeded to make a treaty embodying Polk's 
original idea of territorial indemnity with the express intention of 
throwing upon the President the unpleasant alternative of either 
accepting the treaty or rejecting it. If Polk rejected it, he must bear 
the odium of seeking to annihilate Mexico as a nation and of renew- 
ing a war which was now unpopular. If he accepted it, he would 
then, according to Trist's belief, sacrifice his cherished wish, the con- 
quest of the whole of Mexico. Such is the import of this unique 
despatch. Trist's assumption that Polk desired the absorption of all 
Mexico has been proved to be baseless. 1 Reasonably enough, the 
President felt that the amount of money to be paid Mexico for the 
cession should be less than would have been the case had the war 
ceased seven months before. Pillow was in favor of greater terri- 
torial indemnity and claimed while in Mexico to be the President's 
mouthpiece. Trist shared Scott's hatred of that officer, and the 
parts of the despatch not directly or by inference attacking Polk are 
filled with venom against Pillow. 

Before Butler had an opportunity to carry out Polk's order, Trist 
had signed the treaty and sent it on its way to Washington. There 
are no detailed accounts of the conferences of which the treaty was 
the result. We know that for two months Trist met the commis- 
sioners daily, that the original projet was taken as a basis for the 
negotiation, and that there was apparently little difficulty in agreeing 
upon boundaries. The question of claims and of the condition of 
the inhabitants of the ceded territory occupied most of the meetings. 
The result was in hand February 2, 1848, when Trist met the Mex- 
ican commissioners to sign the treaty at Guadalupe-Hidalgo, " a 
spot ", said Trist, " which, agreeably to the creed of this country, is 
the most sacred on earth, as being the scene of the miraculous ap- 
pearance of the Virgin, for the purpose of declaring that Mexico was 
taken under her special protection ". 2 

Seventeen days later Polk had in his hands the grant of territory 

'"The United States and Mexico, 1847-1848'', by Professor E. G. Bourne, in 
American Historical Review, V, 491-502, April, 1900. 

2 Trist to Buchanan, February 2, 1848, S. Ex. Doc. 52, 30 Congress, I Session. 102. 

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo 323 

which he had hoped to obtain through the peaceful negotiations of 
Slidell. The Rio Grande was acknowledged as the boundary of 
Texas ; New Mexico and Upper California were ours ; and the sum 
to be paid was that named in Trist's instructions : the treaty included 
all of Polk's sine qua non. That the right of transit over Tehuan- 
tepec was not included was a small matter, for the recent treaty with 
Xew Granada afforded a better route to the Pacific. Benton's com- 
ment upon the treaty was that it was a fortunate event for the United 
States and especially for Polk's administration. " The Congress 
elections were going against the administration, and the aspirants for 
the presidency in the cabinet were struck with terror at the view of 
the great military reputations which were growing up." 1 

Haste in acting upon the treaty was of the utmost importance for 
two reasons : first, that the treaty might be returned to Mexico for 
ratification before the Mexican government should be overthrown ; 
and second, that the growing sentiment for " all of Mexico ", both in 
the cabinet and out of it, a sentiment to which the President was 
opposed, might be effectually stifled. 2 Polk made up his mind at 
once not to reject the treaty because of Trist's conduct. His desire 
for peace was so great that he did not permit himself to be influenced 
by his indignation at Trist's insulting letters. He decided, after 
stating his views to' the cabinet, to send the document to the Senate, 
suggesting certain amendments and by so doing show a " magnani- 
mous forbearance toward Mexico ". Every member of the Senate 
committee on foreign relations, with the exception of the chairman, 
Sevier, was at first opposed to ratification. The reason for their 
attitude, as reported by the chairman to Polk, was not the terms of 
the treaty, but Trist's lack of authority to negotiate. " I told Sevier", 
the diary records, " that the treaty was the subject for consideration, 
not Trist's conduct and that if the provisions of the treaty were such 
as would be accepted, it would be worse than an idle ceremony to 
send out a grand commission to re-negotiate the same treaty." 3 The 
Senate committee reported the treaty without amendment on the 
same day, and after two weeks' discussion the Senate first amended 
and then ratified it by a vote of thirty-eight to fourteen. The most 
important of the amendments was made at the suggestion of the 

'Benton's Thirty Year;' 1 View, II, 710. 

2 Professor Bourne's article as cited. The treaty arrived in Washington February 
19; Polk decided to send it to the Senate for ratification February 21. Polk's diary, 
February 21, 1848. Calhoun wrote to Clemson, March 7, 1848 : " The greatest danger 
is, that the [Mexican] Government may not hold together until the treaty is exchanged. 
Nothing but the countenance of our Government, and the support of capitalists interested 
in preserving it, can continue it in existence. It is, indeed, but the shadow of a Gov- 
ernment."' Report of American Historical Association, i8gg, II, 746. 

' : Polk's diary, February 28, 1848. 

3 2 4 J. S. Reeves 

President, and by it the tenth article, relating to the disposition of 
the public lands in Texas, was stricken out. An additional secret 
article, delaying for eight months the time of Mexico's ratification, 
was for obvious reasons omitted by a unanimous vote. Sevier and 
Clifford, the latter Polk's attorney-general, were appointed commis- 
sioners in accordance with the provision of the treaty permitting the 
exchange of ratifications at the City of Mexico. As their duties were 
merely the gaining of Mexico's consent to the Senate's amendments, 
and the hastening of final ratification, their task was light. As soon 
as it was known that the Senate was modifying the terms of the 
agreement as signed, the Mexican government ceased all efforts for 
ratification until the nature of the amendments was known. A few 
days after the arrival of Sevier and Clifford at Mexico with the 
amended treaty, the Mexican congress agreed to ratification by prac- 
tically a unanimous vote. 

There was no glory in all this for Trist. Polk characterized him 
as an " impudent and unqualified scoundrel ". Upon his arrival at 
Washington the former chief clerk of the State Department found 
the doors closed to him. He could get the ear of no one, and after 
vainly trying for some time to collect his salary after the date of his 
recall, he left Washington. Insisting on having a hearing, he ad- 
dressed a long communication to the speaker of the House August 
7, 1848, accusing the President of high crimes and misdemeanors, 
including subornation of perjury, and suggesting that Polk be im- 
peached. 1 But there was no need for stirring up the matter in the 
hope of finding political capital against Polk. The time had gone 
by for that. The letter was received during the last days of the 
session and referred to the committee on foreign affairs, and there 
it slept. The war was over ; Polk's term was drawing to a close ; 
and the country was in the midst of a presidential campaign. Trist 
was soon forgotten. The result of the election of 1848 was the 
choice of Taylor for President, one of the two great Whig generals 
who had reaped the political popularity which Polk had coveted. 
Scott was for the time passed by, and nobody had any consideration 
for the assertive and talkative commissioner who had made the treaty 
of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. But the persistent Trist did not despair, and 
twenty-two years later he secured from Congress the reward for his 
successful presumption. 2 The feeble old man, who had been one of 
Jefferson's family and afterward the friend of Jackson, was at last 
secure in the belief that he had been vindicated by his government. 

Jesse S. Reeves. 

' Congressional Globe, 30 Congress, I Session, 1057-105S. 
2 Senate Report 261, 41 Congress, 2 Session. 


Notwithstanding the fact that for a hundred and fifty years 
our colonies were a part of the British empire, no systematic attempt 
has ever been made by British or American historians to discover 
the extent and value of the material contained in British archives 
relating to American history. Persistent and long search has fre- 
quently been made for documents bearing on a given subject or con- 
nected with the history of a given colony, but such investigation has 
usually been confined to well-known and fairly well-arranged col- 
lections, examination of which was comparatively easy and a suc- 
cessful result highly probable. Outlying sources, records relating 
to other than colonial subjects, and groups containing only occasional 
and isolated documents have remained largely unexplored ; while 
even such compact and clearly defined collections as the Colonial 
Office papers have never been thoroughly and critically examined. 

The time was therefore opportune for a more thoroughly organ- 
ized attack upon the British records, and for the discovery, as far as 
human imperfection would allow, of all documents that directly or 
indirectly bear upon our history. Tedious though the work prom- 
ised to be, it seemed to be justified by the possibility of obtaining 
even an approximate description of each isolated document, im- 
portant or unimportant, and of each collection, great or small, that 
might some time be needed by future writers of our history. 

The task was a large one, but two conditions proved eminently 
favorable to a rapid prosecution of the work : first, the concentra- 
tion of the bulk of the material in a few great centers, like the British 
Museum and the Public Record Office ; and secondly, the unfailing 
courtesy of the officials in charge as well as of many private indi- 
viduals, who without exception did all in their power to promote the 
undertaking. In most cases, though not in all, the facilities for 
research are adequate for student purposes, and though hours seem 
short, notably at the Bodleian Library, the overzealous investigator 
is forced thereby to take a needed relaxation. Except occasionally 
in certain cases where the quarters are cramped and special search- 
rooms cannot be spared, the student will meet with few restrictions, 

1 This article is a preliminary report to the Bureau of Historical Research of the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington. 


326 C. M. Andrews 

and will be able to employ his time to the best advantage. Private 
collections, of which there are many in England, are not so readily 
accessible, and in a number of instances are closed entirely. It is 
much to be regretted that so many official papers are at the present 
time in private hands ; for though many of them have been dealt 
with in the reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, it is 
well known that the earlier of these reports are in need of extended 
revision. Furthermore, many papers of an official character, which 
were deemed the private property of the official in authority at the 
time, have disappeared from view, and there seems to be no way of 
finding out whether they are in existence or not. A search for lost 
documents among private papers is a practical impossibility. One 
can only wish that more private collections would find their way 
into public depositories, either by gift or purchase, as in the case of 
the Hardwicke papers in the British Museum or the Shaftesbury 
papers in the Public Record Office. 

The five depositories that may be deemed of first importance are 
the Bodleian Library, the British Museum, the Privy Council Office, 
the Royal Institution, and the Public Record Office. Other docu- 
ments, though in no cases numerous, are in the archiepiscopal library 
at Lambeth, the episcopal library at Fulham, the library of Sion 
College, the library of the Geographical Society, and among the 
records of the Herald's office, the Old Bailey Proceedings, and the 
manuscripts in Somerset House and the Courts of Law. There are 
a few volumes relating to trade and to the Philippines in the India 
Office, which can be found in the catalogue of its manuscripts en- 
titled, Printed List of General Records, i^pp to 18/Q (1902). A 
few papers, mostly duplicates, are to be found in the Owen Wynne 
collection in All Souls College, Oxford, and a few also in the Biblio- 
theca Pepysiana, Magdalene College, Cambridge. Of the latter a 
large number are copies of the Pepys papers in the Bodleian, but one 
manuscript volume is unique. It contains copies by Samuel Wise- 
man, " principal clerk to the Honorable Commissioners " who were 
sent to Virginia in 1676- 1677, of all the documents connected with 
the work of that commission, many of which are not in the Public 
Record Office. Among the Pepys " Miscellanies " are also a num- 
ber of papers relating to shipping and the plantations, among which 
are the report of the Council of Trade of 1660 to the king " concern- 
ing the Trade and Navigation of the kingdom," and one or two 
" Considerations " upon the Foreign Plantations, dated about 1684- 
1685. As was to have been expected, the Pepys papers relate 
largely to matters connected with the admiralty and the navy. 

In the Bodleian Library the total number of documents relating 

American Colonial History in British Archives 327 

to American history is not large, and as a whole cannot be deemed 
of special importance. Some of them, however, are of value and 
serve to throw light into dark places and to extend our knowledge 
of matters hitherto imperfectly known. While there are a few 
groups of related documents, such as the Newman, Champante, and 
Clarendon papers, yet the majority have no connection with one 
another. Four only of the great collections, which have made the 
Bodleian Library justly famous, contain documents for our purpose: 
the Ashmolean, Tanner, Rawlinson (including the Pepys), and the 
Clarendon. Of these four, the first and second furnish scarcely a 
score of documents, while the third and fourth contain a very large 
number. The Ashmolean manuscripts give us the instructions to 
Gates and Lord Delaware and the procedure at the interment of 
William Lovelace 1 ; the Tanner, largely ecclesiastical in character 
and of a date not later than 1699, contain various papers and letters 
of Edward Randolph regarding the religious condition of New 
England, other similar letters from Massachusetts and Maryland, 
and the patent drawn up by Charles II for the erection of Virginia 
into a bishopric, of which another and slightly different copy is to 
be found among the Wynne papers. The Rawlinson Manuscripts, 
A, B, C, D, contain large numbers of papers of a miscellaneous char- 
acter, from 1660 to about 1730. A contains many letters sent to 
Lord Arlington from America, and the papers which Pepys collected 
in order to clear himself from the charges of John Scott, among 
which is a petition, hitherto unknown, of John Winthrop for a 
charter for Connecticut. B has papers relating to the Society for 
the Propagation of the Gospel and its work of sending ministers to 
the colonies ; and it also contains the large and very valuable collec- 
lection of Champante papers, one hundred and thirty in number, 
relating to New York politics after 1700. C contains the papers of 
Henry Xewman, secretary of the Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel and agent for New Hampshire, relating to that province ; 
the Coxe papers Csome of which are in A), which throw light on 
Xew Jersey ; a large collection of log-books of ships ; a mass of 
papers relating to the work of the Society for the Propagation of 
the Gospel in New England, with letters from John Eliot, Edward 
Winslow, Thomas Weld, and others, about 1651-1653; and other 
papers of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, of con- 
siderable importance for the churches in America, with letters from 
the governors and reports on the condition of religion there. D con- 
tains a few letters belonging to the Newman collection and copies 
of three letters from Thomas Newe, scholar of Exeter College, 
•Printed in the American Historical Review, IX, 522 ff., April, 1904. 

328 C. M. Andrews 

dated Charles Town, 1682, to his father, butler of the same college, 
giving an account of South Carolina. Many of the Clarendon 
papers have been printed in the Collections of the New York His- 
torical Society and in Lister's Life of Clarendon, but there are others 
yet imprinted that show Clarendon's interest in colonies other than 
New York, as well as a series of papers of Clarendon's unworthy 
grandson. Cornbury, governor of New York. There are also many 
Downing letters, of which but few have to do with the colonies ; 
copies of the proceedings at Boston between Massachusetts and the 
king's commissioners in 1665 ; and a copy of Maverick's Description 
of New England. 

The number of documents in the British Museum relating to 
American history is enormous, and there is no royal road to their 
discovery. Great collections, such as the Newcastle, Bouquet, 
Haldimand, Auckland, Hardwicke, and Hutchinson papers, and a 
few marked volumes, such as Egerton, 2395, Additional Manu- 
scripts, 33028-33030, 35907-35913, known to the officials in the 
manuscript-room, are easily found ; and the great classified cata- 
logue, arranged by subjects, directs attention to many particular 
documents. But when all these documents have been explored, 
there still remains a vast number of papers, to find which one must 
search the collection-catalogues. Pouring over catalogues and 
indexes is dreary work, and the task is the more difficult because 
the catalogue lists are frequently incomplete ; and because some col- 
lections, such as the Newcastle and part of the Hardwicke papers, 
are not listed at all. If one is to be thorough, therefore, one must 
search not only in the classified catalogue and the collection-cata- 
logues, but in the indexes also. To make the matter somewhat more 
complicated, older catalogues such as the Sloane, and groups of 
papers such as the Lauderdale, are undergoing rearrangement and 
renumbering, and in these, as in other cases, the classified catalogue 
is of no value. The task, therefore, of discovering isolated docu- 
ments is not an easy one, and he would be a bold and self-confident 
investigator who after three months' labor dared say that he had 
discovered all. 

Documents relating to American history are contained in one 
or other of nine great collections : Lansdowne, Harleian, Stowe, 
Sloane, Additional Manuscripts, Egerton, Hargrave, and Kings, 
with an occasional paper in Royal and in Egerton Biblical. Among 
the Lansdowne manuscripts are documents relating to the contro- 
versy in the church in Hartford in 1656, a portion of which are 
printed in the Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society ; 
copies of a large number of papers sent from the Board of Trade 

American Colonial History in British Archives 329 

to Secretary Vernon in 1699 and relating to Nova Scotia and New 
York ; Bishop Kennett's interleaved and annotated copy of the 
history of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, printed 
in 1706, and his commonplace-book, which contains copies of some 
important letters not to be found elsewhere ; " An Alphabetical list 
of the names of authors of commercial books and pamphlets ", 
containing 2,377 titles, of which 105 relate to the plantations or to 
their trade ; original Indian deeds from Connecticut ; the summary 
of a dispute in New York over the title to lands of the Wappinger 
Indians ; many colonial quit-rent statistics ; letters and papers re- 
lating to East Florida ; and a few Revolutionary documents. 
Among the Harleian manuscripts are a few log-books of ships, a 
number of papers on the tobacco trade of the plantations ; an account 
of Endecott's cutting out the cross from the king's flag ; papers re- 
garding the Palatines ; a manuscript of Donne's Virginia Reviewed ; 
letters bearing on the proposed appointment of Alexander Murray 
as bishop of Virginia in 1673 ; Simon d' Ewes's very important 
notes on New England ; and Penn's letters to J ohn Fenwick. In 
the St<5we collection are valuable letters from William Stoughton 
of Massachusetts; a group of Georgia documents of 1742; an ac- 
count of Nelson's expedition to Canada (1682); Lord Warwick's 
correspondence on New England, Virginia, etc., in 1646, 1648: the 
Dudley-Belcher correspondence relative to the Princess Sophia's 
gift of her portrait to the Massachusetts Bay Colony ; and transcripts 
of a great number of papers relating to the Stamp Act, the originals 
of which may be found elsewhere. In the Deering correspondence 
is a letter from North Carolina (1703) similar to those of Newe 
from South Carolina. 

The Sloane collection, in process of recataloguing, is contained 
in the first 5,017 volumes of the series, of which the Additional 
Manuscripts is the continuation. As might have been expected, 
these combined collections, numbering nearly 37,000 volumes, are 
amazingly rich in Americana, and it is impossible here to do more 
than hint at the valuable documents they contain. In some of the 
early Sloane volumes there is a series of valuable voyages to the 
" South Seas ", that is, to the west coast of South America, Mexico, 
and California : in later volumes we find many scattered voyages 
and descriptions (of great value) of New England, Maryland, New 
York, and Virginia ; and a large number of letters and documents 
sent to the Royal Society concerning the flora and fauna of the 
colonies. We meet with the letters of a score of colonials interested 
in natural history, which do not bear out Dr. Eggleston's charge that 
colonial science was largely unintelligent credulity. 

AM. HIST. RKV., VOL. X. — 22. 


C. M. Andrews 

The early volumes of the Additional Manuscripts collection con- 
tain a great number of papers bearing on the origin and activity of 
the Board of Trade and on trade in general. Of great importance 
are the Cary letters and papers, which throw light on the Parlia- 
mentary struggle preceding the appointment of the board in 1696. 
There is a letter relating to Occam and the Indian school at Leb- 
anon, and there are several letters from William Keith regarding 
his History of the British Plantations, besides a volume full of ma- 
terial for the student of early Congregationalism in Holland. There 
is here, as elsewhere, a great number of " states and accounts " of 
•considerable value for a study of the financial relations between 
England and her colonies, of the customs revenue and officials, 
and of the costs of troops sent to America. There is a large num- 
ber of volumes that came from the dispersed library of George 
Chalmers, bought by Rodd, the bookseller, and sold to the Museum 
in the forties. These are of the highest value as having to do with 
the Board of Trade and with the colonies, and we can only wonder 
by what process they came into the library of Chalmers, since they 
belong to the Board of Trade papers. Did Chalmers " borrow " 
them ? There are other volumes that throw light on the char- 
acter of the business brought before the Council of Trade of 
1660; four volumes devoted to boundary disputes in Massachusetts, 
New Hampshire, and New York ; three volumes made up from the 
Newcastle papers that deal entirely with America and the West 
Indies ; seven volumes from the Hardwicke collection that relate 
wholly to trade and the American plantations ; and one entire vol- 
ume and part of another relating to the iron industry, chiefly in 
Maryland. It is unnecessary to speak here at length of the New- 
castle papers, numbering more than 200 volumes, in which there 
are hundreds of letters and other documents from and about Amer- 
ica ; or of the Bouquet papers, 17 volumes, and the Haldimand 
papers, 231 volumes, both of which are listed in Brymner's Cana- 
dian Archives; or of the Hutchinson papers, 14 volumes, containing 
the correspondence, letter-book, and diary of Thomas Hutchinson, 
the papers of Andrew Oliver, and letters to and from others of the 
Hutchinson family, chiefly in England : or of the Auckland papers, 
59 volumes, of great importance for the early Revolutionary period, 
when William Eden was under-secretary of state, and for the years 
1 777-1 778, when he came to America as a member of the peace com- 
mission ; or of the recently acquired Hardwicke papers, of between 
three and four hundred volumes, some of which are still unbound, 
containing, among other matters relating to the plantations, the 

American Colonial History in British Archives 331 

briefs of many cases of appeal from the colonies, during the period 
from 1721 to 1766. 

In no way inferior, so far as its relation to American history is 
concerned, is the Egerton collection of about 2,700 volumes. Eger- 
ton, 2395, has long been known to American students, since Mr. 
Walters gave a brief account of it in the New England Historical 
and Genealogical Register fifteen years ago. Many of the docu- 
ments in this volume have been printed, but some of the most im- 
portant, among which are the Povey and Noell papers concerning the 
erection of a council of trade and plantations, have not been used. 
In other Egerton volumes are letters from William Leete regarding 
the condition of New Haven in 1653, and from George Fenwick of 
the Saybrook colony regarding the sale of that colony to Connecticut. 
There are also Downing letters in large numbers, but of compara- 
tively little value ; a minute of a meeting of the Council of Trade 
in 1663 and other papers connected with the Board of Trade ; and 
finally the journal of John Knepp, midshipman in H. M. S. Rose, 
William Phips, commander, 1683, a document of great length and 
of great interest. In Egerton Biblical is an occasional document, 
such as Dummer's proposal that a colony of Scotsmen be permitted 
to settle in Canada ; in the Royal Manuscripts is a copy of Rolfe's 
True Relation ; and in Additional Charters is a confirmation of the 
charter to Germantown in 1718, an important paper on the trade of 
the Spaniard " about the Asiento and Galeons ", and what appears 
to be the original grant of part of Virginia to Lord Hopton, in two 
skins, with ribbon and seal. The Hargrave collection contains a 
few papers, chiefly of a legal character, such as the case of the gov- 
ernor of Virginia versus the Burgesses, June 18, 1754; and other 
cases and opinions on disputes concerning customs, particularly in 
connection with Maryland (similar papers are found in two volumes 
of the Additional Manuscripts collection), Pennsylvania, in the 
quarrel between Penn and Quary, and Connecticut, in its contro- 
versy with Mason and the Mohegan Indians. One elaborate paper 
deals with the " different laws and modes respecting the barring of 
entails in the several American colonies ", of date about 1773. In 
the King's Manuscripts are Franklin's letters to Cooper (1769— 
1 774 J ; Pownall's letters to Cooper (1 769-1 774) ; Cooper's letters to 
Franklin (1769-1775) ; a report on the state of the American colo- 
nies, containing copies of letters from colonial governors and others 
of dates from 1721 to 1766; reports on the state of manufactures, 
on the modes of granting land, and on the fees of office, received in 
answer to circulars sent out by the Board of Trade in 1766; descrip- 
tions of Xova Scotia, de Brahm's survey of the southern district, 

33 2 CM. Andrews 

1773, with beautiful maps in black and white; Braddock's journal; 
journal of an officer who traveled in America and the West Indies 
in 1764-1765 ; — all of which are of the highest value, many of them 
having already been printed. In all of the collections there is a 
large number of maps of great excellence and importance, of which 
there is an admirable catalogue. 

In this rapid and cursory survey it has not been possible to do 
more than indicate a few of the more striking papers, and to hint at 
the richness and importance of the entire collection. We next pass 
to the Privy Council Office, where the documents, of the very highest 
authority and worth, can be more easily described. First and fore- 
most is the Privy Council Register, of which 99 volumes cover the 
period from 161 3 to 1783 ; the volumes from 1603 to 161 3 and from 
1645 to 1649 are missing. These volumes are numbered accord- 
ing to reigns. Marginal headings make the task of searching easy, 
and there are excellent indexes, most of which were either made or 
extended by Greville, when clerk of the Privy Council. The im- 
portance of the volumes for colonial history begins with 1660, when 
the first standing committee for foreign plantations was appointed, 
and continues without diminution until the Revolution. Though 
the orders of and in council were generally sent to the departmental 
boards concerned, yet many petitions were acted upon by the com- 
mittees of the council itself and never passed out of their hands. 
Consequently there is in the register a large amount of material of 
the first importance that cannot be found elsewhere. All things 
considered, this series of volumes is the most valuable single collec- 
tion of documentary evidence for a study of the policy of Great 
Britain toward the colonies that we have. It is to be hoped that 
some day the volumes, for which no suitable place of deposit exists 
in the present building in Whitehall, will be transferred to the Public 
Record Office ; and that a copy of such portions as relate to Amer- 
ican affairs will be brought to this country. 

In addition to the register, there are a few important volumes in 
the Board room of the Council — minutes of the committee for Ire- 
land, a register of admiralty and naval affairs, and thirteen volumes 
of " Plantation Books ". The latter collection, covering the years 
from 1677 to 1784, contains copies of acts, laws, charters, letters 
to governors, commissions and instructions of all kinds, orders, 
surrenders, commissions of review and inquiry, confirmations, letters 
of marque, warrants of every description, circulars, and occasional 
grants of land — all relating to the colonies. Such a mass of ma- 
terial of this kind, gathered in one place, whether the documents are 
to be found elsewhere or not, is a mine of information for colonial 

American Colonial History in British Archives 33$ 

history. In the same room are seven volumes, containing an al- 
most complete set of royal proclamations issued from 1613 to 1819. 
In the clerk's room is a Precedent Book of considerable interest. 
On the ground floor, inconveniently housed, are the unbound papers, 
tied in packets, and dating from 1699, with a few of earlier years. 
There are from 150 to 160 packets in all, covering the period from 
1699 to 1783. The documents, folded and often mutilated, are ar- 
ranged chronologically, but there is no index or other clue to their 
contents. Here may be found the original petitions sent to the 
king in council, with many other papers containing either the addi- 
tional evidence in the case or the reports of departments or com- 
mittees. A majority of these reports are duplicates, but again not 
all, as I found papers here that were neither in the register nor in 
the departmental records. There are many petitions for grants of 
land, and a few petitions for patents, memorials from departments, 
and the like. In studying a particular period it would always be 
wise, and it would be easier, to examine the register and the un- 
bound papers of a given date before looking into the papers of the 

Of the manuscripts relating to America preserved in the Royal 
Institution little need be said here, for the last volume that has been 
issued by the Historical Manuscripts Commission, the first of a series, 
with two or possibly three volumes to follow, contains a full de- 
scription of the papers and a calendar of about a fourth of them. 
The documents relate entirely to the period of the Revolution and 
are contained in 58 bound volumes and 4 cases or rolls — 62 in all. 
Many of these have been printed, and many are duplicates of papers 
in the Public Record Office and elsewhere. But the collection is still 
necessary to every student of the Revolutionary period, particularly 
of the years 1782 and 1783. The earlier letters of Howe, Clinton, 
and others are to a large extent duplicates, but the later papers, 
consisting to a considerable extent of accounts, warrants, certificates, 
muster-rolls, lists, orders, inquisitions, memorials, and petitions, are 
original. P'urther information can be obtained from the admirable 
introduction to the report of the commission. 

As an archive-center the Public Record Office surpasses all 
others in the value and comprehensiveness of its materials. Except 
for certain well-defined, catalogued, and calendared collections, such 
as the Colonial Office papers, the scope of the material for American 
history is not known even to the officials in charge, so that the in- 
vestigator who would make a systematic search is bound to be 
in large part a pioneer. Even the preliminary task of mapping out 
the field is by no means an easy one, as there are comparatively few 

334 C. M. Andrews 

guides to the collections in which the material desired is to be found, 
and the printed or manuscript lists do not always disclose by their 
descriptions the desired sources. 

The following general groups contain practically all the material 
in the Record Office for colonial history: (i) Admiralty, (2) Audit 
and Pipe Offices, (3) Abolished Offices, (4) Colonial Office, (5) 
Courts of Chancery, King's Bench, and Exchequer, (6) Foreign 
Office, (7) Home Office, (8) Treasury, (9) War Office, and (10) a 
few miscellaneous collections. The number of volumes listed under 
these several titles runs into the thousands and presents to the stu- 
dent a discouragingly formidable mass of material. There are 
printed lists of the Admiralty papers, the Colonial Office papers, the 
rolls of declared accounts in the Audit and Pipe Offices, the Foreign 
Office papers, the State Papers, Domestic, and the Home Office 
papers. There is in preparation an index to the Chancery files. In 
using these lists three difficulties arise. First, except for the Admir- 
alty, Declared Accounts, and Chancery indexes, there is scarcely one 
of the printed lists that does not need considerable revision and ex- 
tension, and the old Colonial Office list has been withdrawn from cir- 
culation until a new one shall be prepared. Secondly, inasmuch as 
the volumes in all the collections contain documents relating to other 
than American subjects, the descriptions in the lists often do not 
show whether or not the volumes will be of any use, and unless one 
is very careful or has the gift of prescience, he will spend a great 
deal of his time and that of the long-suffering attendant in calling 
out volumes that contain nothing for his purpose. Thirdly, the 
collections themselves are undergoing more or less frequent rear- 
rangement and renumbering, so that the references of a decade ago 
are often of no value to-day. While volume numbers can be de- 
pended on, bundle numbers are liable to change. A new system 
having recently been decided upon, the Admiralty list is almost the 
only one in a form likely to remain permanent. Because of these 
conditions the preliminary task of making out a working list of the 
volumes to be called out is itself long and arduous, and as clue leads 
to clue, and one set of documents refers across to another, even the 
carefully wrought preliminary list will undergo modification as the 
work goes on. There are manuscript lists of those collections for 
which no printed list has yet been issued, but prepared as they have 
been for the use of officials, by different persons, w